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PEOPLE'S  PICTORIAL  EDITION 

The  BLUE  and  GRAY 

A HISTORY  OF  THE  CONFLICTS  DURING 

LEE  S INVASION  and  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 

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: 

* jSBil C 

Containing 
Complete 
Roster 
of  the  Two 
Armies 


Replete 

with 

Incidents 

and 

Maps 


BEING  FOR  THE  MOST  PART  CONTRIBUTIONS  BY  UNION  AND 
CONFEDERATE  OFFICERS 

CONDENSED  AND  ARRANGED  FOR  POPULAR  READING 

By  Prof.  J.  AVarren  Gilbert 


Copyrighted,  May,  1922,  by  Prof.  J.  'Warren  Gilbert 


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Table  of  Contents 

Page. 

Introduction  5 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  7 

Confederate  Plans  14 

Movement  of  the  Armies  Before  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg 22 

Cavalry  Engagement  at  Brandy  Station  24 

Capture  of  Winchester  25 

Concentration  of  the  Confederate  Army  Near  the  Potomac  River  30 

Cavalry  Engagements  in  the  Loudon  Valley,  Va 30 

Confederates  Advance  from  the  Potomac  32 

Concentration  of  the  Union  Army  at  Frederick,  Md 34 

Position  of  the  Armies  on  the  Night  of  June  30th 39 

First  Day’s  Battle,  by  Gen.  Doubleday  44 

Meeting  of  Barlow  and  Gordon,  by  Capt.  T.  J.  Mackey,  C.  S.  A 52 

The  Hero  of  Gettysburg  57 

Battlefield  of  July  2nd  and  3rd  58 

Federal  Position  on  the  Morning  of  July  2nd  60 

Change  of  Front  of  the  3rd  Corps  July  2nd  63 

Second  Day’s  Battle,  by  Maj.-Gen.  Daniel  E.  Sickles  67 

Struggle  for  Round  Top,  by  Maj.-Gen.  E.  M.  Laws,  C.  S.  A 70 

Attack  at  Peach  Orchard  and  Wheatfield,  by  Maj.-Gen.  Kershaw,  C.  S.  A 74 

Second  Day’s  Battle,  by  Maj.-Gen.  Henry  J.  Hunt,  U.  S.  A 79 

Fighting  on  Little  Round  Top,  by  Adj.  Farley,  140th  N.  Y.  Regt 85 

Third  Day’s  Battle  88 

Artillery  Duel,  by  Maj.-Gen.  Hunt,  U.  S.  A 94 

Pickett ’s  Charge  and  Artillery  Fighting,  by  Gen.  Alexander,  C.  S.  A 96 

Story  of  the  Grand  Charge,  by  Lieut. -Gen.  Longstreet,  C.  S.  A 103 

Repelling  Lee’s  Last  Blow,  by  Lieut. -Col.  Rice  105 

Cavalry  Operations  on  the  Right,  July  2nd  and  3rd,  1863  109 

Confederate  Cavalry — The  Cavalry  Battlefield  110 

The  Cavalry  Battle,  July  3,  1863  112 

Farnsworth’s  Cavalry  Charge,  by  Capt.  Parson,  1st  Vt.  Cav.  Regt 113 

Lee  After  the  Battle,  by  Brig. -Gen.  Imboden,  C.  S .A 116 

Lee’s  Army  on  Retreat  119 

Meade’s  Army  in  Pursuit  120 

Soldier’s  National  Cemetery — Lincoln’s  Gettysburg  Address  123 

Gettysburg  National  Park  125 

Lieutenant  Hemenway’s  Account  of  the  March  to  Gettysburg 126 

Romantic  and  Pathetic  Incidents 127 

The  Romance  of  the  Heroine  and  the  Martyr  136 

The  great  Battles  of  the  Civil  War  145 

Roster  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  146 

Roster  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia 159 


List  of  Illustrations 

Page. 

Marsh  Creek  Bridge,  Bailroad  Cut  2 

Chambersburg  Boad,  Gettysburg  in  18G3  2 

Meade  and  his  Commanders  8-10-12 

Lee  and  his  Commanders  16-18 

Statues  of  Gen.  Meade,  Hancock,  Beynolds,  Sedgwick  and  Slocum  26 

East  and  West  Confederate  Avenues,  Va.  State  Monument  35 

Lee’s  Hq’ts. — Whitworth  Guns — Conft.  Tablets— 2nd  Md.  Mon 35 

Meade’s  Hq’ts. — Meade’s  Council  of  War — Meade  and  Hancock  38 

Hancock  Ave.  Showing  the  Angle  and  High  Water  Mark  38 

Death  of  Gen.  Beynolds — Fighting  at  the  Peach  Orchard  42 

Charge  of  Penna.  Beserves — Hancock  Assuming  Charge 42 

Sgt.  Crippen  Befuses  to  Surrender  the  Flag 50 

Portraits  of  Barlow,  U.  S.  A.,  and  Gordon,  C.  S.  A 52 

Lousiana  Tigers  Storming  Cemetery  Hill— Attack  at  McPherson’s  Barn 55 

11th  Corps  Sallying — Betreat  of  1st  and  11th  Corps  55 

John  Burn’s  Home — Portrait  and  Statue  57 

Dead  on  the  Battlefield  and  at  Trostle’s  House  and  Barn  61 

Spangler’s  Spring — Devil’s  Den — Gen.  Warren  at  Signal  Station  66 

Lieut.  Wilkeson ’s  Battery  in  an  Exposed  Position  69 

Charge  of  the  1st  Minnesota — Attack  at  Devil ’s  Den  72 

Charge  of  the  1st  Mass.  Begt. — Fighting  on  Little  Bound  Top 72 

Incident  of  the  Battle — Whirlpool  of  the  Wheatfield  82 

Conf.  Driven  from  Culp’s  Hill — Steuart’s  Brig.  Attack  on  Culp’s  Hill 82 

Culp ’s  Hill — Little  Bound  Top — Wheatfield — Cemetery  Hill 87 

Battlefield  from  Big  Bound  Top — Wright  Ave.  44th  N.  Y.  Mon 87 

Union  Artillery  in  Action — Pickett  Taking  Orders  to  Charge  100 

Lee  Viewing  Pickett’s  Charge — Cushing’s  Last  Shot — High  Water  Mark 100 

Panorama  View  of  Pickett ’s  Charge — Armistead  Crosses  Stone  Wall  100 

Saber  Fighting  July  3rd — Gregg’s  and  Stuart’s  Cav.  Charge  Ill 

Charge  of  1st  Mich.  Begt. — Farnsworth’s  Cavalry  Charge  Ill 

Betreat  of  Lee’s  Army  After  Gettysburg — Monterey  Gap  118 

Lee’s  Wagons  in  the  Mud — The  Pontoon  Bridges  118 

Soldier’s  National  Cemetery  122 

Begimental  Monuments  124-125 

Caring  for  the  Confederate  Wounded  128 

Hummiston  Children 132 

The  Jennie  Wade  House  136 

Theological  Seminary — Gettysburg  College  138 

Father  Corby’s  Benediction 141 

Maps 

Outline  Map  of  the  Campaign  23 

Operations  of  the  Cavalry  During  the  Invasion  31 

Position  of  the  Troops  July  1st,  2nd,  3rd,  1863  47-62-89 


IF  any  reader,  taking  up  his  morning  newspaper,  should  learn  that 
on  the  preceding  day,  somewhere  in  our  country,  a great  calamity 
had  destroyed  more  than  4,000  lives,  the  news  would  certainly  sadden 
him  all  day.  And  if  the  next  day  he  should  read  a repetition  of  the 
story,  with  some  change  of  locality,  and  the  next,  he  would  surely  wish 
to  be  told  the  cause  of  all  that  destruction  of  life — who  was  responsible 
for  it,  and  to  what  result  it  was  tending.  In  the  great  Battle  of  Gettysburg, 
the  average  destruction  of  life  was  more  than  4,000  a day,  for  three  days, 
July  1st,  2nd  and  3rd,  1863;  200,000  men  were  called  to  the  field;  the  thea- 
tre of  conflict  covered  twenty-five  square  miles ; and  there  were  sufficient  im- 
portance to  have  a name  in  history  producing  effect  that  reached  well  nigh 
around  the  world,  and  perhaps  determine  the  cause  of  civilization  and 
industrial  development  more  than  any  other  event  of  modern  times.  Its 
cause  was  watched  with  eager  interest  and  widely  varying  emotions  and 
wishes  by  the  most  diverse  classes  and  powers.  European  capitalists 
heard  the  thunder  of  the  guns  at  Gettysburg,  whether  viewed  in  its 
picturesque  and  dramatic  aspect  or  with  reference  to  its  influence  on  the 
civilized  world.  Not  only  was  the  absurdity  of  slavery  in  a republic 
brought  to  an  end,  hut  the  efficiency  of  volunteer  armies  was  demon- 
strated, and  some  principles  of  international  law  were  brought  to  a 
settlement. 

Several  able  writers  have  recorded  or  discussed  this  piece  of  history 
in  various  styles,  from  different  points  of  view.  Some  have  concerned 
themselves  only  with  the  military  movements  and  problems.  Some  have 
shown  a predetermination  to  make  one  participant  the  hero  of  the  story, 
some  another.  Some  write  for  the  sole  purpose  of  bringing  out  the  truth, 
others  for  the  purpose  of  distorting  or  reversing  it.  While  some  have 
given  their  closest  attention  to  the  political  problems  involved.  The  object 
of  the  present  work  is  to  present  the  essential  facts,  as  accurately  and 
vividly  as  possible,  so  that  the  reader  may  clearly  understand  the  story, 
as  to  how  the  battle  was  conducted,  what  it  cost  in  life,  suffering  and 
treasure;  also  why  it  ended  as  it  did.  If  these  lessons  are  thoroughly 
learned  by  the  rising  generation,  the  knowledge  should  go  far  to  prevent 

5 


1 


6 THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 

any  repetition  of  the  sorrowful  experiences;  if  they  are  neglected  or  mis- 
learned  through  inadequate  or  erroneous  representation,  who  can  answer 
for  the  future.  Nothing  has  been  so  fully  or  so  accurately  illustrated, 
being  arranged  in  such  relation  as  to  bring  you  face  to  face  with  the  actual 
scene  of  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg. 

A RETROSPECT. 

In  the  annals  of  warfare  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg  is  fitly  termed  1 ‘ The  Greatest 
Conflict  of  Modern  Times.  ’ ’ History  does  not  record  its  equal  in  magnitude, 
desperation,  valor  and  human  slaughter,  nor  in  the  vast  interests  which  were  decided 
by  the  result. 

The  Civil  War,  beginning  at  Sumter  and  ending  at  Appomattox,  found  its  turning- 
point  at  Gettysburg.  General  Longstreet*  writing  a description  of  the  battle  in  1886, 
says:  “For  myself,  I felt  that  our  last  hope  was  gone,  and  that  now  it  was  only  a 
question  of  time  with  us.  ’ ’ 

Gettysburg  was  founded  by  James  Gettys,  in  1780;  was  made  the  seat  of  Adams 
County  in  1800,  and  was  incorporated  in  1807.  At  the  time  of  the  battle  in  1863,  its 
population  was  about  2,000,  while  its  present  population  is  about  6,000.  And  were 
it  not  for  the  memorials  erected  to  commemorate  the  scenes  of  strife  and  carnage 
during  the  long  and  sultry  days  that  the  tide  of  battle  swept  through  and  around  this 
little  quiet  village,  the  visitor  would  little  suspect  that  here  had  been  fought  the  most 
decisive  and  sanguinary  battle  of  the  Bebellion. 

Thousands  joined  the  great  majority  during  the  battle,  and  many  thousands  more 
died  from  injuries  received  on  those  eventful  days. 

Prof.  J.  Warren  Gilbert, 
Author,  Guide  and  Lecturer. 


♦Names  of  all  Confederate  officers  are  in  Italic  type. 


The  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  the  Army 
of  Northern  Virginia 

VIPETENT  historians  as  well  as  the  highest  military 
authorities  concede  that  the  skill  displayed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  campaign  in  the  year  1863,  by  both 
the  commanders  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia 
and  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  has  never  been  sur- 
passed in  any  other  campaign  in  the  annals  of  mili- 
tary history;  and  it  may  as  truthfully  be  said,  that 
no  other  great  military  movement  involved  conse- 
quences so  momentous  and  far-reaching  as  did  that 
one.  With  a view,  then,  to  give  the  reader  a clear 
understanding  of  this  great  crisis  in  that  terrible 
struggle  in  which  not  only  the  destiny  of  the  government  was  at  stake, 
but  the  higher  and  greater  problem  whether  a “Government  of  the 
People,  by  the  People,  and  for  the  People’  ’ was  at  all  practicable. 

Before  proceeding,  however,  to  the  narration  of  these  events,  it  will  be 
necessary  to  have  a correct  understanding  of  the  organization  and  strength 
of  the  two  armies,  the  design  and  purpose  of  the  invasion,  and  the  relative 
positions  they  occupied  when  the  movement  began.  These  may  be  stated 
thus : 


Number  of  the  Forces  in  the  Pennsylvania  Campaign. 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

As  constituted  in  the  Gettysburg  Campaign,  was  composed  mainly  of 
the  forces  which  operated  with  General  McClellan  on  the  Peninsula,  and 
General  Pope,  in  Northern  Virginia.  These  two  armies  were  united  in 
September,  1862,  and  together  took  part  in  the  battles  of  Antietam,  Md., 
September  17th,  1862,  under  General  McClellan;  Fredericksburg,  Va.,  De- 
cember 13th,  1862,  under  General  Burnside,  and  at  Chancellorsville,  Va., 
May  lst-3rd,  1863,  under  General  Hooker.  The  Battle  of  Gettysburg  was 
fought  under  still  another  commander,  Major-General  George  G.  Meade. 
The  army  was  organized  info  army  corps,  two  corps  of  the  artillery  reserve 
were  united  to  form  a grand  division.  General  Hooker  abolished  the 
grand  division,  and  reorganized  both  the  artillery  and  cavalry.  Of  the 
seven  corps  which  now  formed  the  army,  the  2nd,  3rd,  5tli  and  6th,  had 
been  with  McClellan  on  the  Peninsula;  the  1st,  11th  and  12th,  had  formed 
Pope’s  Army  of  Virginia.  To  each  corps  was  assigned  a brigade  of 
artillery.  The  normal  strength  of  a brigade  was  five  batteries  of  six  guns 
each,  or  30  guns.  The  actual  number  of  guns  with  the  army,  not  counting 
those  with  the  cavalry,  was  320.  Of  the  guns  of  the  corps  artillery,  one- 

7 


BATTLE  OP  GETTYSBURG 


9 


half  were  three  inch  rifles,  the  other  half  were  twelve  pound  Napoleon 
smooth  bore.  Of  the  guns  of  the  artillery  reserve,  eight  were  four  and 
one-half  inch  siege  rifles  (which  however  did  not  reach  the  battlefield  of 
Gettysburg),  two  were  howitzers  and  the  remainder  were  three-inch  rifles 
and  twelve-pound  Napoleons  in  equal  number. 

The  cavalry  after  General  Pleasonton  was  placed  in  command  was  re- 
organized a few  days  before  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg.  Stahel’s  division 
was  transferred  from  the  Department  of  Washington  to  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  and  became  the  third  division  of  the  cavalry  corps.  General 
Kilpatrick  was  placed  in  command  of  this  division,  which  was  reorganized 
into  two  brigades  and  General  Custer  and  General  Farnsworth  were  pro- 
moted to  command  them.  To  the  cavalry  corps  were  attached  two  brigades 
of  artillery,  each  having  five  batteries  of  six  3-inch  rifles. 

There  has  been  a disposition  by  nearly  all  historians  upon  both  sides, 
to  magnify  the  strength  of  the  opposing  army,  as  well  as  to  understate 
that  of  their  own. 

At  the  opening  of  the  campaign  on  May  31st,  1863,  the  strength  of  the  seven  army 


corps,  the  cavalry  corps  and  the  artillery  reserve  was: 

Seven  infantry  corps  86,690 

Cavalry  corps  10,192 

Artillery  reserve  3,898 


Total  100,780 

June  30th,  1863,  the  strength  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  for  duty  equipped: 

Infantry  77,208 

Cavalry  14,973 

Artillery  reserve  3,898 

Cavalry  with  army  corps 258 

Stannard’s  Vermont  infantry  brigade  (estimated)  joined  evening 

July  2nd  2,000 

Lockwood’s  Maryland  infantry  brigade  (estimated)  joined  evening 

July  2nd  1,500 


Total  99,837 

Present  for  duty  not  equipped,  not  stated. 


Of  the  infantry  all  the  organizations  were  on  the  field  or  in  its  immediate  vicinity 
on  July  3rd.  Of  the  cavalry,  not  more  than  five  of  the  eight  brigades  were  on  the  field 
at  any  one  time.  All  the  artillery  was  on  the  field  July  3rd,  except  two  batteries  of 
siege  guns. — ( W . R.  No.  40,  pp.  574-651.) 

Before  reaching  the  field,  the  Union  Army  lost  an  unknown  number  through 
sickness  and  stragglers.  This  number  was  probably  large  as  the  army  marched  rapidly 
for  several  days  before  the  battle  in  rainy  weather  and  in  the  heat  of  the  latter  days 
of  June.  As  the  march  was  in  a friendly  country,  the  Union  stragglers  were  in  no 
danger  of  capture  as  were  those  of  the  Confederate  Army.” — ( Battles  and  Leaders, 
Vol.  4,  p.  421.) 

General  Meade,  in  his  testimony  before  the  Congressional  Committee  on  the  conduct 
of  the  war,  states  the  strength  of  his  army  as  “a  little  under  100,000  men.”  This 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


11 


being  reliable,  is,  of  course  decisive,  and  establishes  the  number  of  men  in  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  in  the  Pennsylvania  campaign.  This  army  was  organized  as  follows: 

Major-General  George  G.  Meade,  Commander-in-Chief  * 

STAFF. 

Major-General  Daniel  Butterfield,  Chief  of  Staff. 

Major-General  D.  W.  Flagler,  Chief  Ordnance  Officer. 

Major-General  Alfred  Pleasonton,  Chief  of  Cavalry. 

Major-General  Henry  J.  Hunt,  Chief  of  Artillery. 

Major-General  G.  K.  Warren,  Chief  of  Engineers. 

Brigadier-General  M.  R.  Patrick,  Provost  Marshal-General. 

Brigadier-General  Seth  Williams,  Adjutant-General. 

Brigadier-General  Edmund  Schriver,  Inspector-General. 

Brigadier-General  Rufus  Ingalls,  Quartermaster-General. 

Colonel  Henry  F.  Clark,  Chief  of  Commissary  of  Subsistence. 

Major  Jonathan  Litterman,  Surgeon,  Chief  of  Medical  Dept. 

Captain  L.  B.  Norton,  Chief  Signal  Officer. 

The  infantry  force  of  the  army  was  as  follows: 

First  Corps. — Maj.-Gen.  John  Fulton  Reynolds,  commander.  His  division  com- 
manders were:  Brig. -Gen.  James  S.  Wadsworth,  1st  division;  Brig. -Gen.  John  C. 
Robinson,  2nd  division;  Maj.-Gen.  Abner  Doubleday,  3rd  division.  The  brigades  were 
commanded  respectively  by  Brig. -Gen.  Solomon  Meredith,  Brig. -Gen.  Lysander  Cutler, 
Brig.-Gen.  Gabriel  Paul,  Brig. -Gen.  Henry  Baxter,  Brig. -Gen.  Thomas  A.  Rowley, 
Col.  Roy  Stone  and  Brig.-Gen.  Geo.  J.  Stannard.  The  first  two  to  the  1st  division, 
the  next  two  to  the  2nd,  and  the  last  three  to  the  3rd.  The  artillery  brigade  attached 
to  this  corps  was  commanded  by  Col.  Chas.  S.  Wainwright. 

Second  Corps. — Maj.-Gen.  Winfield  Scott  Hancock,  commander.t  The  division 
commanders  were  Brig.-Gen.  John  C.  Caldwell,  1st  division;  Brig.-Gen.  John  Gibbon, 
2nd  division;  Brig.-Gen.  Alexander  Hays,  3rd  division.  The  brigades  were  com- 
manded by  Col.  Edward  E.  Cross,  Col.  Patrick  Kelly,  Brig.-Gen.  S.  K.  Zook,  Col.  John 
R.  Brooks,  Brig.-Gen.  Wm.  Harrow,  Brig.-Gen.  Alexander  S.  Webb,  Col.  Norman  J. 
Hall,  Col.  Samuel  S.  Carroll,  Col.  Thomas  A.  Smyth  and  Col.  Geo.  L.  Willard.  The 
first  four  to  the  1st  division,  the  next  three  to  the  2nd  and  the  last  three  to  the  3rd. 
The  artillery  brigade  attached  to  this  corps  was  commanded  by  Capt.  J.  G.  Hazard. 

Third  Corps. — Maj.-Gen.  Daniel  E.  Sickles,  commander.^  The  division  command- 
ers were:  Maj.-Gen.  David  Birney,  1st  division;  Brig.-Gen.  Andrew  A.  Humphrey,  2nd 
division.  The  brigades  were  commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.  C.  K.  Graham,  Brig.-Gen.  J.  H. 
Ward,  Col.  P.  R.  De  Trobriand,  Brig.-Gen.  Joseph  B.  Carr,  Col.  Wm.  R.  Brewster  and 
Col.  Geo.  C.  Burling.  The  first  three  to  the  1st  division  and  the  last  three  to  the  2nd. 
The  artillery  brigade  attached  to  this  corps  was  commanded  by  Capt.  Geo.  E.  Randolph. 

Fifth  Corps. — Maj.-Gen.  Geo.  Sykes,  commander.§  The  division  commanders 
were:  Brig.-Gen.  James  Barnes,  1st  division;  Brig.-Gen.  Romeyn  B.  Ayres,  2nd 

division,  and  Brig.-Gen.  S.  Wiley  Crawford,  3rd  division.  The  brigades  were  com- 
manded by  Col.  W.  S.  Tilton,  Col.  J.  B.  Sweitzer,  Col.  Strong  Vincent,  Col.  Hannibal 
Day,  Col.  Sidney  Burbank,  Col.  S.  H.  Weed,  Col.  Wm.  MeCandless  and  Col.  Joseph  W. 
Fisher.  The  first  three  to  the  1st  division,  the  next  three  to  the  2nd,  and  the  last  two 
to  the  3rd.  The  artillery  brigade  attached  to  this  corps  was  commanded  by  Capt. 
A.  P.  Martin.  The  first  and  2nd  brigades  of  the  2nd  division  were  composed  of  U.  S. 
Regulars,  and  the  third  division  was  composed  of  Pennsylvania  Reserves. 

*Maj.-Gen.  Joseph  Hooker  was  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  up  to  Sunday, 
June  28th,  1863,  and  on  this  day,  for  causes  which  will  hereafter  be  stated,  resigned  that 
position  while  on  the  march  to  Gettysburg,  and  was  succeeded  by  Maj.-Gen.  George  G.  Meade. 

tThe  2nd  corps  was  commanded  by  Maj.-Gen.  D.  N.  Couch  until  June  9th,  1863,  when  in 
order  to  prepare  for  the  reception  of  the  threatened  invasion  of  Pennsylvania,  he  was  placed 
in  command  of  the  Department  of  the  Susquehanna,  with  headquarters  at  Harrisburg,  and 
Maj.-Gen.  W.  S.  Hancock  succeeded  to  the  command  of  this  corps. 

JAt  the  commencement  of  the  Pennsylvania  campaign,  Maj.-Gen.  D.  B.  Birney  was  tem- 
porarily in  command  of  the  3rd  corps,  but  General  Sickles  resumed  command  on  Sunday, 
June  28. 

§Major-General  Meade  was  in  command  of  the  5th  corps  until  Sunday,  June  28th,  when  he 
was  made  commander-in-chief,  and  the  command  of  this  corps  was  given  to  General  Sykes. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


13 


Sixth  Corps. — Maj.-Gen.  John  Sedgwick,  commander.  The  division  commanders 
were:  Brig.-Gen.  H.  G.  Wright,  1st  division;  Brig. -Gen.  A.  P.  Howe,  2nd  division, 
and  Brig.-Gen.  Frank  Wheaton,  3rd  division.  The  brigades  were  commanded  by  Brig.- 
Gen.  A.  T.  A.  Torbert,  Brig.-Gen.  J.  J.  Bartlett,  Brig.-Gen.  D.  A.  Russell,  Col.  L.  A. 
Grant,  Brig.-Gen.  T.  A.  Neill,  Brig.-Gen.  Alexander  Shaler,  Col.  H.  L.  Eustis  and  Col. 
David  I.  Nevin.  The  first  three  to  the  1st  division,  the  next  two  to  the  2nd,  and  the 
last  three  to  the  3rd.  The  artillery  brigade  attached  to  this  corps  was  commanded  by 
Col.  C.  H.  Tompkins. 

Eleventh  Corps. — Maj.-Gen.  Oliver  0.  Howrard,  commander.  The  division  com- 
manders were  Brig.-Gen.  Francis  C.  Barlow,  1st  division;  Brig.-Gen.  A.  Von  Steinwehr, 
2nd  division,  and  Maj.-Gen.  Carl  Schurz,  3rd  division.  The  brigades  were  commanded 
by  Col.  Leopold  Von  Gilsa,  Brig.-Gen.  Adelbert  Ames,  Col.  C.  R.  Coster,  Col.  Orlando 
Smith,  Brig.-Gen.  A.  Scliimmelfennig,*  and  Col.  Wm.  Krzyzanowski.  The  first  two 
to  the  1st  division,  the  next  two  to  the  2nd,  and  the  last  three  to  the  3rd.  The 
artillery  brigade  attached  to  this  corps  was  commanded  by  Maj.  Thomas  W.  Osborn. 

Twelfth  Corps. — Maj.-Gen.  Henry  W.  Slocum, t commander.  The  division  com- 
manders were  Brig.-Gen.  Thomas  H.  Ruger,  1st  division  and  Brig.-Gen.  John  W.  Geary, 
2nd  division.  The  brigades  were  commanded  by  Col.  Archibald  L.  McDougall,  Brig.- 
Gen.  Henry  H.  Lockwood,  Col.  Silas  Colgrove,  Col.  Chas.  Candy,  Col.  G.  A.  Cobham,  Jr. 
(Kane),  and  Brig.-Gen.  Geo.  S.  Greene.  The  first  three  to  the  1st  division,  and  the 
next  three  to  the  2nd.  The  artillery  brigade  attached  to  this  corps  was  commanded 
by  Lieut.  Edward  D.  Muhlenberg. 

The  cavalry  corps  was  commanded  by  Maj.-Gen.  Alfred  Pleasonton.  The  division 
commanders  were:  Brig.-Gen.  John  Buford,  1st  division;  Brig.-Gen.  D.  McM.  Gregg, 
2nd  division,  and  Brig.-Gen.  Judson  Kilpatrick,  3rd  division.  The  first,  second  and 
reserve  brigades  of  the  1st  division  were  commanded  by  Col.  Wm.  Gamble,  Col.  Thomas 
C.  Devin  and  Brig.-Gen.  Wesley  Merritt.  The  three  brigades  of  the  2nd  division  were 
commanded  by  Col.  J.  B.  McIntosh,  Col.  Pennock  Huey  and  Col.  J.  Irvin  Gregg ; and 
the  two  brigades  of  the  3rd  division  were  commanded  by  Brig.-Gen.  E.  J.  Farnsworth 
and  Brig.-Gen.  Geo.  A.  Custer.  The  first  brigade  of  Horse  Artillery  with  the  cavalry, 
was  commanded  by  Col.  James  M.  Robertson. 

The  reserve  artillery,  of  which  there  were  five  brigades,  was  commanded  by 
Brig.-Gen.  R.  O.  Tyler.  The  brigades  were  commanded  by  Col.  D.  R.  Ransom,  first 
regular  brigade,  Col.  F.  McGilvery,  first  vol.  brigade;  Col.  E.  D.  Tafe,  second  vol. 
brigade,  Capt.  J.  F.  Huntington,  third  vol.  brigade,  and  Capt.  R.  H.  Fitzhugh,  fourth 
vol.  brigade. 

Comparison. — Lieut.-Col.  G.  J.  Fieberger,  U.  S.  M.  A.,  author  of 
“Campaign  and  Battle  of  Gettysburg,”  says,  that  if  the  organization  of 
the  two  armies  is  studied,  it  will  appear  that  the  Confederate  Army  was 
superior  in  all  respects  save  numbers  and  equipment. 

General  Lee  had  commanded  an  army  in  five  separate  campaigns,  and 
in  more  than  twice  as  many  important  battles.  General  Hooker  had  com- 
manded in  but  one  campaign  and  battle,  and  General  Meade  was  to  be  in 
supreme  command  only  three  days  before  he  fought  his  first  battle. 

General  Lee  had  the  absolute  confidence  of  his  superiors  and  was  free 
to  operate  as  he  saw  fit.  Both  officers  and  men  of  his  army  were  confident 
of  success  under  his  guidance,  and  he  had  confidence  in  the  ability  and 

*Gen.  Von  Schimmelfennig,  himself  mixed  up  with  the  retreating  forces  July  1st,  P.  M., 
had  barely  time  to  conceal  himself  under  a pile  of  wood,  in  Garlach's  yard,  Baltimore  Street, 
was  forced  to  remain  there  until  the  battle  ended,  then  joined  his  command. 

jGeneral  Slocum  commanded  the  right  wing  of  the  army  on  July  2nd  and  3rd.  His  corps 
during  that  time,  was  commanded  by  General  Alpheus  S.  Williams.  In  like  manner  and  at 
the  same  time.  General  Hancock  commanded  the  left  center,  and  General  Reynolds,  up  to 
July  1st,  commanded  the  1st,  3rd  and  11th  corps,  which  composed  the  left  wing  of  the  Union 
Army. 


14 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


hearty  support  of  every  officer  and  man  of  his  army.  Nearly  all  the 
general  officers  had  been  promoted  on  his  recommendation. 

General  Hooker,  having  been  unsuccessful  in  the  campaign  of  Chan- 
cellorsville,  Va.,  caused  his  suggestions  and  plans,  as  a rule  not  to  meet 
with  cordial  approval,  by  both  officers  and  men  who  distrusted  his  ability 
to  maneuver  and  fight  his  army.  While  General  Meade  was  given  all  the 
support  possible  by  his  superiors,  his  lack  of  experience  made  him  hesitate 
to  utilize  his  authority  to  its  fullest  extent.  It  led  him  to  trust  too  much 
in  the  judgment  of  the  corps  commanders.  He  had  not  complete  confidence 
in  the  ability  of  some  of  his  principal  assistants,  and  because  of  his  lack 
of  experience  and  confidence  in  his  own  judgment,  he  did  not  create  in  all 
his  subordinates  confidence  in  himself.  The  corps  and  division  commanders 
of  both  armies  were,  as  a rule,  officers  who  had  attained  these  commands 
only  after  successful  service  as  brigade  commanders;  in  the  Confederate 
Army,  all  except  one,  General  Bodes,  were  graduates  of  the  United  States 
Military  Academy,  and  had  served  in  the  regular  army;  nearly  all  the 
older  graduates  had  seen  service  in  the  Mexican  War.  Their  commanders 
had  greater  power  and  responsibility.  This  was  emphasized  by  giving  the 
former  the  grade  of  lieutenant-general  and  the  latter,  that  of  major-general. 

The  organization  of  the  Confederate  artillery  was  almost  ideal.  The 
chief  of  artillery  having  absolute  control  of  its  equipment  and  employment 
on  the  field.  While  in  the  Union  Army  the  duties  of  its  chief  of  artillery 
were  not  definitely  fixed.  The  only  guns  in  his  absolute  control  were  those 
of  the  artillery  reserve,  as  a rule  its  guns  were  not  so  available  as  those  of 
the  corps  artillery. 

The  cavalry  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  had  been  under  the 
personal  charge  of  General  J . E.  B.  Stuart  from  the  beginning  of  the  war 
as  an  independent  unit.  In  the  Union  Army,  its  first  commander  had  not 
been  very  successful  and  he  was  succeeded  by  General  Pleasonton.  It  was 
still  inexperienced  as  an  independent  unit  and  it  will  be  observed  that 
General  Hooker  always  gave  it  an  infantry  support  when  sent  against 
General  Stuart’s  cavalry. 

The  Confederate  Army  had  in  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg,  fewer  raw 
troops  and  fewer  newly  organized  brigades  and  divisions  than  its  adversary ; 
this  was  a distinct  advantage,  therefore  if  the  differences  of  the  two  armies 
are  fairly  weighed  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  chances  of  success  in 
the  Gettysburg  campaign  were  in  favor  of  General  Lee,  notwithstanding 
his  numerical  inferiority.  * * * * 

The  Army  op  Northern  Virginia. 

General  Longstreet,  in  an  article  contributed  by  him  to  the  Philadel- 
phia Weekly  Times  and  since  published  in  a book  entitled  “Annals  of  the 
War,”  says,  that  General  Lee  informed  him  at  Chambersburg,  that  on 
June  30th,  1863,  his  infantry  consisted  of  about  72,000  bayonets,  and  his 
whole  force  including  the  detachments  which  would  join  him  on  the  march, 
amounted  to  a trifle  over  90,000. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


15 


In  the  campaign  on  the  peninsula,  General  Longstreet,  and  General 
Jackson,  commanded  half  the  army;  after  Antietam  battle,  their  com- 
mands were  made  army  corps  and  both  officers  were  promoted  to  the  grade 
of  lieutenant-general.  Finding,  however,  that  these  corps  of  35,000  men 
each  were  too  large  to  be  conveniently  handled,  and  after  the  death  of 
General  Jackson,  at  Chancellorsville,  General  Lee  formed  his  army  into 
three  corps.  Upon  his  recommendation,  the  2nd  and  3rd  corps  were  com- 
manded by  Major-General  Ewell*  and  A.  P.  Hill,  who  were  both  promoted 
to  the  grade  of  lieutenant-general.  Both  had  commanded  divisions  in 
Jackson’s  corps,  the  former  being  chosen  by  Jackson  to  succeed  him.  A 
new  division  was  made  by  uniting  two  of  the  six  brigades  of  A.  P.  Hill’s 
division  with  the  brigades  of  General  Pettigrew  and  Davis,  sent  about 
May  31st,  1863,  from  the  Department  of  Richmond  and  North  Carolina. 
All  of  the  brigades  had  been  reorganized  so  that,  as  far  as  possible,  each 
was  composed  of  troops  from  the  same  state.  Each  division  was  com- 
manded by  a major-general;  each  brigade  by  a brigadier-general,  if  pos- 
sible from  the  same  state  as  his  command. 

The  artillery,  under  the  control  of  Brig.-Gen.  W.  N.  Pendleton,  had 
been  reorganized  just  before  the  Gettysburg  campaign ; one  battalion  of 
four  batteries  of  four  guns  each  was  assigned  as  corps  artillery.  The  pre- 
scribed number  of  guns  to  each  of  the  three  corps  was  therefore  80 ; this 
was  slightly  exceeded,  as  the  actual  number  with  the  army  was  351.  Of 
these  12  were  20-pound  siege  rifles,  2 were  English  Whitworth  rifles,  26 
were  howitzers,  and  the  remainder  3-inch  rifles  and  12-pound  smooth  bore 
Napoleons  in  about  equal  number. 

The  cavalry  commanded  by  Maj.-Gen.  J . E.  B.  Stuart,  was  strengthened 
before  the  Gettysburg  campaign  by  General  Lee  adding  to  it  the  brigades 
of  Gen.  A.  G.  Jenkins  and  W.  E.  Jones,  which  had  been  operating  in  the 
Shenandoah  Valley;  also  that  of  Gen.  B.  H.  Robertson  from  North  Carolina. 
To  this  cavalry  division  was  attached  a battalion  of  horse  artillery  of  24 
guns,  one  battery  for  each  brigade. — “ Battles  and  Leaders,  Vol.  4,  p.  422.” 

The  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  was  organized  as  follows: 

Lieutenant-General  Bobert  E.  Lee,  CommanderA 

STAFF. 

Colonel  W.  H.  Taylor,  Adjutant-General. 

Colonel  C.  S.  Venable,  Aid-de-Camp. 

Colonel  Charles  Marshall,  Aide-de-Camp. 

Colonel  James  L.  Corley,  Chief  Quartermaster. 

Colonel  E.  G.  Cole,  Chief  Commissary. 


*Lieut.-Gen.  R.  S.  Ewell  was  an  officer  of  great  ability.  He  had  at  one  time  been  civil 
engineer  of  the  Columbia  R.  R..  in  Pennsylvania,  and  had  also  for  several  years  had  charge 
of  the  U.  S.  barracks  at  Carlisle.  He  was  therefore  well  acquainted  with  the  topography  of 
the  State,  and  was  well  qualified  to  conduct  Lee’s  advance.  At  the  Second  Battle  of  Bull  Run 
he  lost  a leg  and  after  that  was  always  strapped  to  his  horse  when  mounted. 

fAt  the  opening  of  the  Gettysburg  campaign,  June  1st,  1863,  the  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia  had  been  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Robert  E.  Lee  for  over  a year.  In  that  period 
it  took  part  in  the  seven  days  battle  about  Richmond,  Second  Bull  Run,  Antietam,  Fredericks- 
burg and  Chancellorsville.  The  almost  uniform  success  of  its  operations  raised  the  morale 
of  the  entire  army  to  the  highest  pitch  and  caused  both  officers  and  men  to  feel  absolute 
confidence  in  their  commander. 


E.  B,  Stuart* 

flgr-ifl 


-'“(CKET'V 


fWEtV 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


17 


Colonel  B.  G.  Baldwin,  Chief  of  Ordinance. 

Colonel  H.  L.  Peyton,  Assistant  Inspector-General. 

General  W.  N.  Pendleton,  Chief  of  Artillery. 

Doctor  L.  Guild,  Medical  Director. 

Colonel  W.  Porter  Smith,  Chief  Engineer. 

Major  H.  E.  Young,  Assistant  Adjutant-General. 

Major  C.  B.  Cook,  Assistant  Inspector-General. 

The  army  was  composed  as  follows:* 

First  Corps. — Lieut. -Gen.  James  Longstreet,  commanding.  The  division  com- 
manders were  Maj.-Gen.  L.  McLaws,  Maj.-Gen.  Geo.  E.  Piclcett  and  Maj.-Gen.  J.  B. 
Hood.  The  brigade  commanders  were:  Brig. -Gen.  J.  B.  Kershaw,  Wm.  Barksdale, 
P.  J.  Semmes,  W.  T.  Wofford,  R.  B.  Garnett,  J.  L.  Kemper,  L.  A.  Armistead,  Evender 
Law,  J.  B.  Robertson,  G.  T.  Anderson  and  H.  B.  Benning.  The  four  first  named 
belonged  to  the  1st  ( McLaw’s ) division,  the  next  three  to  the  2nd  {Pickett’s) , and  the 
last  four  to  the  3rd  (Hood’s).  The  artillery  belonging  to  this  corps  was  commanded 
by  Col.  J.  B.  Walton,  and  consisted  of  84  guns. 

Second  Corps. — Lieut.-Gen.  R.  S.  Ewell,  commanding.  The  division  commanders 
were:  Maj.-Gen.  J.  A.  Early,  Maj.-Gen.  R.  E.  Rodes  and  Maj.-Gen.  Edward  E.  Johnson. 
The  brigade  commanders  were:  Brig. -Gen.  H.  T.  Hays,  R.  F.  Hoke,\  Wm.  Smith,  J.  B. 
Gordon,  Geo.  H.  Stewart,  J.  A.  Walker,  F.  T.  Nicholls,  J.  M.  Jones,  J.  Daniel,  A. 
Iverson,  Geo.  Doles,  S.  D.  Ramseur  and  E.  A.  O’Neal.  The  first  four  named  belonged 
to  the  1st  (Early’s),  the  next  five  to  the  2nd  (Rodes’),  and  the  last  four  to  the  3rd 
(Johnson’s) , divisions.  The  artillery  belonging  to  this  corps  was  commanded  by 
Col.  J.  F.  Brown  and  consisted  of  84  guns. 

Third  Corps. — Lieut.-Gen.  A.  P.  Hill,  commanding.  The  division  commanders 
were:  Maj.-Gen.  R.  H.  Anderson,  Maj.-Gen.  Henry  Heth  and  Maj.-Gen.  W.  D.  Pender. 
The  brigade  commanders  were  Brig. -Gen.  C.  M.  Wilcox,  A.  R.  Wright,  Wm.  Mahone, 
E.  A.  Perry,  C.  Posey,  J.  J.  Pettigrew,  J.  M.  Brockenbrougli,  J.  J.  Archer,  J.  R.  Davis, 
J.  H.  Lane,  E.  L.  Thomas,  A.  M.  Scales  and  Abner  Perrin.  The  first  five  named  be- 
longed to  the  1st  (Anderson’s) , the  next  four  to  the  2nd  (Heth’s),  and  the  last 
four  to  the  3rd  (Pender’s)  divisions.  The  artillery  belonging  to  this  corps  was  com- 
manded by  Col.  R.  L.  Walker,  and  consisted  of  80  guns. 

Cavalry  Corps. — Lieut.-Gen.  J.  E.  B.  Stuart,  commanding.  The  brigade  com- 
manders were:  Brig. -Gen.  Wade  Hampton,  Fitzhugh  Lee,  J.  R.  Chambliss,  A.  G. 
Jenkin,  B.  H.  Robertson,  W.  E.  Jones  and  J.  D.  Imboden.  With  the  cavalry  was  one 
battalion  of  horse  artillery  commanded  by  Col.  M.  Backham,  and  consisted  of  24  guns. 


*The  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  was  divided  into  three  corps,  while  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  was  divided  into  seven.  Bach  of  the  three  Confederate  corps,  therefore,  represented 
a third  of  their  whole  force,  while  each  of  the  seven  Federal  corps,  represented  a seventh 
of  their  combined  force.  The  same  ratios  extended  to  divisions  and  brigades. 

Wrig.-Gen.  R.  F.  Hoke,  being  severely  wounded  in  the  battle  at  Fredericksburg,  Va.,  his 
place  was  worthily  filled  by  Col.  J.  E.  Avery,  6th  North  Carolina  regiment,  who,  also  fell 
mortally  wounded  on  Cemetery  Hill,  July  2nd,  1863. — “General  Early’s  Report,  No.  470,  Official 
Record,  Vol.  27,  p.  473.” 


2 


AN  offensive  movement  by  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  was  almost 
on  the  Confederate  authorities.  On  the  Mississippi  River,  General 
Pemberton  was  invested  in  Vicksburg  by  a superior  force  under 
General  Grant,  and  it  was  apparent  to  those  in  authority  that  it  was  only 
a question  of  weeks  when  Pemberton  must  surrender.  At  Port  Hudson,  a 
short  distance  south  of  Vicksburg,  General  Gardner  was  similarly  invested 
by  General  Banks. 

"When  these  two  places  fell,  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  would  fall  in 
the  possession  of  the  Union  forces  from  the  Ohio  to  the  Gulf ; Arkansas, 
Texas  and  Louisiana  would  then  be  separated  from  the  Confederate  states 
east  of  that  river.  This  would  be  a serious  blow  to  the  Confederate  cause, 
both  at  home  and  abroad,  and  a brilliant  counter-stroke  at  some  other  point 
in  the  theatre  of  war  was  desirable  to  counteract  its  effect. 

The  forces  in  the  Department  of  Tennessee  and  South  Carolina  had 
been  depleted  in  the  attempt  to  form  a relieving  army  for  Vicksburg,  that 
neither  General  Bragg  in  Tennessee,  nor  General  Beauregard  in  South 
Carolina  could  be  expected  to  make  this  counter-stroke.  General  Hill,  in 
North  Carolina,  was  also  reduced  to  the  defensive  because  of  the  forces 
drawn  from  his  department  to  reinforce  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia 
and  cover  Richmond  from  an  attack  along  the  north  banks  of  the  James 
River.  The  task  of  making  this  counter-stroke,  therefore,  fell  on  the  Army 
of  Northern  Virginia,  which  had  just  been  reorganized  and  recruited  and 
was  in  the  highest  state  of  efficiency. 

There  Were  Still  Other  Reasons  for  an  Offensive  Movement. 

The  Confederate  authorities  found  themselves  short  of  food  supplies 
and  had  great  difficulty  in  filling  the  requisitions  of  the  armies,  no  relief 
from  this  situation  could  be  expected  until  the  coming  harvest. 

19 


20 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


The  numerical  strength  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  decreasing 
daily,  due  to  the  mustering  out  of  the  two-year  men  from  New  York,  who 
volunteered  in  the  spring  of  1861,  and  the  nine-month  militia  from  New 
Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  who  entered  the  service  under  the  call  of  August, 
1862.  This  army  reached  its  minimum  strength  on  June  20th,  1863,  before 
the  troops  of  other  departments  were  united  with  it ; it  numbering  89,000 
men  present  for  duty. 

The  Union  troops  in  southeastern  Virginia  were  giving  the  Confeder- 
ate authorities  some  uneasiness  about  the  safety  of  Richmond,  and  it  was 
thought  they  would  be  drawn  to  Washington  if  that  Capital  was  threatened. 
General  Lee  also  recognized  the  fact  that  the  South  could  hardly  hope  to 
succeed  in  a prolonged  struggle  with  the  united  North.  In  a letter  to 
President  Davis,  dated  June  2d,  1863,  just  before  starting  north,  he 
writes : 

We  should  not  therefore  conceal  from  ourselves  that  our  resources  in  men  is 
constantly  diminishing,  and  the  disproportion  in  this  respect  between  us  and  our 
enemies,  if  they  continue  uniting  in  their  efforts  to  subjugate  us,  is  constantly 
augmenting. 

In  this  letter  he  advocates  the  encouragement  of  the  peace  party  in 
the  north  by  a discontinuance  of  speeches  and  newspaper  articles  in  the 
south  rejecting  the  terms  of  peace  advocated  by  that  party. 

He  probably  hoped  to  make  his  invasion  of  the  North  another  argu- 
ment for  those  members  of  the  peace  party,  who  declared  that  the  South 
could  never  be  subdued.  In  his  circular  order  directing  that  no  supplies 
should  be  taken  in  the  North  except  on  regular  requisition,  he  also  sought 
to  avoid  unnecessarily  irritating  the  inhabitants  of  the  invaded  country, 
and  to  make  the  establishment  of  a permanent  government  in  the  South  of 
material  interest  to  them. 

On  June  8th,  he  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  Leroy  P.  Walker,  as 
follows : 

“As  far  as  I can  judge,  there  is  nothing  to  be  gained  by  this  army  remaining 
quietly  on  the  defensive,  which  it  must  do  unless  it  can  be  reinforced.  I am  aware 
that  there  is  difficulty  and  hazard  in  taking  the  aggressive  with  so  large  an  army  in  its 
front,  intrenched  behind  a river,  where  it  cannot  be  advantageously  attacked.  Unless 
it  takes  its  own  time  to  prepare  and  strengthen  itself  to  renew  its  advance  on  Richmond 
and  force  this  army  back  within  the  intrencliments  of  that  city.  This  may  result  in 
any  event;  still,  I think  it  is  worth  a trial  to  prevent  such  a catastrophe.  Still,  if  the 
Department  thinks  best  to  remain  on  the  defensive,  and  guard  as  far  as  possible,  all 
the  avenues  of  approach,  and  await  the  time  of  the  enemy,  I am  ready  to  adopt  this 
course.  I think  our  southern  coast  might  be  held  during  the  sickly  season  by  local 
troops,  aided  by  a small  organized  force,  and  the  predatory  excursions  of  the  enemy 
be  repressed.  This  would  give  us  an  active  force  in  the  field  with  which  we  might 
hope  to  make  some  impression  on  the  enemy  on  both  our  northern  and  western  frontiers. 
Unless  this  can  be  done,  I see  little  hope  of  accomplishing  anything  of  importance.  All 
our  military  preparations  and  organizations  should  be  pressed  forward  with  the 
greatest  vigor,  and  every  exertion  made  to  obtain  some  material  advantage  in  this 
campaign.  ’ ’ 

General  Lee  further  explains  the  object  of  his  plan  of  campaign  in  the 
report  he  submitted  at  its  close  : 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


21 


The  position  occupied  by  the  Union  Army  opposite  Fredericksburg 
being  one  in  which  he  could  not  be  attacked  to  advantage,  it  was  deter- 
mined to  draw  him  from  it.  The  execution  of  his  project  embraced  the 
relief  of  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  from  the  troops  that  had  occupied 
the  lower  part  of  it  during  the  winter  and  spring,  and,  if  practicable,  the 
transfer  of  the  center  of  hostilities  north  of  the  Potomac  River.  It  was 
thought  the  corresponding  movement  on  the  part  of  the  Union  Army,  to 
which  those  contemplated  by  us  would  probably  give  rise,  might  offer  a 
fair  opportunity  to  strike  a blow  at  the  army  then  commanded  by  General 
Hooker,  and  that  in  any  event,  that  army  would  be  compelled  to  leave 
Virginia,  and  possibly,  to  draw  to  its  support  troops  designed  to  operate 
against  other  parts  of  the  country.  In  this  way  it  was  supposed  that  the 
enemy’s  plan  of  campaign  for  the  summer  would  be  broken,  and  parts  of 
the  season  of  active  operation  be  consumed  in  the  formation  of  new  com- 
binations and  the  preparations  they  would  require.  In  addition  to  these 
advantages,  it  was  hoped  that  other  valuable  results  might  be  attained 
by  military  success.  Actuated  by  these  and  other  important  considerations, 
that  will  hereafter  be  presented,  the  movement  began  June  3rd,  1863. 

On  June  25th,  while  his  army  was  north  of  the  Potomac  River,  in  further 
development  of  this  plan,  General  Lee  wrote  to  President  Davis,  as  follows: 

“You  will  see  that  the  apprehension  for  the  safety  of  Washington  and  their  own 
territory  has  aroused  the  Federal  Government  and  the  people  to  great  exertion,  and  it 
is  incumbent  upon  us  to  call  forth  all  our  energies.  In  addition  to  the  100,000  troops 
called  for  by  President  Lincoln,  to  defend  the  frontier  of  Pennsylvania,  you  will  see 
that  he  is  concentrating  other  organized  forces  in  Maryland.  It  is  stated  in  the 
papers  here,  that  they  are  withdrawing  their  troops  from  Suffolk,  and  according  to 
General  Bucicner’s  report,  General  Burnside,  and  his  troops  are  recalled  from  Ken- 
tucky. It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  this  would  be  the  ease  if  their  apprehension 
was  once  aroused. 

“It  is  plain  that  if  all  the  Federal  Army  is  concentrated  upon  this,  it  will  result 
in  our  accomplishing  nothing,  and  being  compelled  to  return  to  Virginia.  If  the  plan 
I suggested  the  other  day  can  be  carried  into  effect,  it  would  do  more  to  protect  both 
states  from  marauding  expeditions  of  the  enemy  than  anything  else. 

“I  have  not  sufficient  troops  to  maintain  my  communications,  and  therefore  will 
have  to  abandon  them.  I think  I can  throw  the  Union  Army  across  the  Potomac  and 
draw  troops  from  the  south,  embarrassing  their  plan  of  campaign  in  a measure,  if  I 
can  do  nothing  more  and  have  to  return. 

“I  still  hope  that  all  things  will  end  well  for  us  at  Vicksburg.  At  any  rate, 
every  effort  should  be  made  to  bring  about  that  result.  ’ ’ 


Movement  of  the  Armies  before  the  Battle 
of  Gettysburg 


Operations  from  June  1st  to  July  1st,  1863.  The  Army  of  Northern  Virginia 
Starting  Northward  with  Numerous  Engagements  with  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac. 


THERE  is  a limit  to  human  endurance,  and  the  victories  won  by  the 
Confederates  had  exhausted  to  the  last  degree.  They  were  hungry, 
ragged,  barefooted  and  worn  out;  they  must  have  rest.  But,  while 
gaining  that,  their  eyes  turned  longingly  toward  the  fair  fields  of  Maryland 
and  Pennsylvania  spread  out  before  them,  and  the  temptation  to  gather 
from  their  abundance  was  too  great  to  resist. 

It  can  be  understood  that  there  were  many  reasons  why  General  Lee 
desired  to  carry  the  war  into  the  North.  It  was  natural  that  he  and  the 
other  Confederate  authorities  should  wish  to  press  the  bitter  cup,  of  which 
they  had  tasted  so  often,  to  northern  lips.  While  it  was  a tremendous 
risk  to  move  the  army  so  far  from  its  base,  there  was  a fair  prospect  of 
being  able  to  capture  Harrisburg,  Philadelphia,  Baltimore  and  Washing- 
ton. This  done,  who  could  doubt  that  England  would  intervene  in  favor 
of  the  Confederacy?  It  was  decided,  therefore,  to  invade  the  North, 
instead  of  attacking  Washington  alone.  Lee  began  maneuvering  so  as  to 
lead  Hooker  to  uncover  that  city.  The  first  step  of  the  Confederate  leader 
was  to  enter  Maryland  and  establish  his  communication  with  Richmond 
through  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  Threatening  Harrisburg  by  the  Cumber- 
land Valley,  he  hoped  to  draw  the  Union  Army  far  enough  from  the 
national  capital  to  make  it  possible  to  seize  Baltimore,  or  Washington,  and 
to  force  Hooker  to  give  battle  at  a long  distance  from  his  base  of  supplies. 

On  June  1st,  1863,  the  main  body  of  the  Confederate  Army  lay  on  the 
south  banks  of  the  Rappahannock  River,  with  headquarters  at  Fredericks- 
burg. General  Stuart’s  cavalry  division  was  at  Culpeper,  where  five 
brigades  were  assembled.  The  infantry  divisions  of  General  Hood  and 
Pickett,  of  Long  street’s  corps  which  had  recently  returned  from  Southern 
Virginia,  were  not  with  the  main  army;  Hood  was  at  Verdiersville,  south- 
east of  Culpeper,  and  Pickett  was  near  Hanover  Junction,  Va.,  with 
Pettigrew’s  brigade  of  General  Heth’s  division. 

The  Union  Army  lay  on  the  north  banks  of  that  river  and  along  the 
railroad  to  Aquia  Creek,  with  headquarters  at  Falmouth.  The  cavalry 
corps  was  assembled  at  Bealeton,  Va.,  on  the  Orange  and  Alexander 
railroad  north  of  Culpeper. 

On  June  2nd,  General  Lee  was  informed  that  the  Federals  had  evacuated 
West  Point,  on  the  York  River  and  no  longer  threatened  to  advance  on 

22 


BATTLE  OP  GETTYSBURG 


23 


Richmond.  He  at  once  ordered  the  concentration  of  Ewell’s  corps  and  the 
divisions  of  Hood  and  McLaws  of  General  Longstreet’s  corps,  at  Culpeper, 
General  Hill’s  corps  was  left  to  hold  Fredericksburg,  and  Pickett  was 
ordered  to  join  the  army  as  soon  as  it  was  certain  that  his  presence  near 
Hanover  Junction,  was  no  longer  required.  (General  Hooker,  seeing  a 
great  diminution  of  tents  in  his  front,  suspected  that  the  Confederates 
were  leaving  Fredericksburg.  He  said  to  General  Sedgwick, — a life-long 


friend  and  classmate — “John,  go  over  there  and  see  if  they  have  gone. 
They  may  have  left  merely  their  empty  tents  to  deceive  us.  ” So  on  June  6th, 
Sedgwick  threw  bridges  out,  under  cover  of  his  artillery,  crossed  the  river, 
sent  back  word  to  General  Hooker,  “There  is  a pretty  stiff  opposition;  I 
think  their  main  body  must  be  still  here.”  General  Pleasonton  was 
directed  to  take  all  the  cavalry  that  could  be  spared  and  go  to  Culpeper, 
to  ascertain  if  anything  unusual  was  going  on  there.  All  of  General 
Stuart’s  cavalry  and  two-thirds  of  the  Confederate  Army  were  in  that 
vicinity. 

General  Lee,  having  reached  Culpeper  in  person,  on  June  7th,  issued 
orders  to  the  cavalry  forces  of  Generals  Jenkins  and  Iniboden  to  prepare 
the  way  for  his  advance  into  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  The  former  was 
ordered  to  move  down  the  Shenandoah  Valley  as  far  as  Strasburg  and 


24 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


Front  Royal,  and  there  await  the  arrival  of  the  infantry.  In  the  meantime 
he  was  to  obtain  all  possible  information  as  to  the  strength  and  position  of 
the  different  Union  posts  in  the  lower  valley. 

General  Iniboden,  with  his  cavalry  brigade,  was  to  move  from  the  upper 
Shenandoah,  into  the  South  Potomac  Valley  and  engage  the  attention  of 
the  forces  in  and  around  Romney.  He  was  to  collect  cattle,  and  if  possible 
interrupt  railroad  communication  between  Cumberland  and  Martinsburg, 
by  destroying  bridges,  water-tanks,  etc. 

While  awaiting  the  execution  of  his  preliminary  orders,  General  Lee, 
reviewed  General  Stuart’s  cavalry  on  the  plains  about  Brandy  Station. 

Cavalry  Engagement  at  Brandy  Station. 

The  withdrawal  of  Ewell’s  forces  from  the  Fredericksburg  line  and 
their  movements  westward  having  been  reported  by  the  Union  pickets, 
General  Hooker  ordered  the  cavalry  corps  to  make  a reconnoissance  in  the 
direction  of  Culpeper  where  it  was  reported  that  General  Stuart  had 
united  his  cavalry.  Two  brigades,  each  composed  of  1,500  infantry  and  a 
battery  of  horse  artillery  were  to  accompany  the  cavalry.  Stuart,  who  was 
preparing  for  an  offensive  movement  instead  of  anticipating  an  attack  on 
himself,  had  only  one  brigade  along  the  river.  Jones’  brigade  was  picketing 
the  river  about  Beverly  Ford.  FitzJmgh  Lee  was  further  up  the  river, 
and  W.  H.  F.  Lee,  Hampton  and  Robertson  were  near  Brandy  Station. 

Early  in  the  morning,  June  9th,  General  Buford  with  his  own  division, 
the  reserve  (Merritt’s)  cavalry  brigade,  and  one  brigade  of  infantry  moved 
to  Beverly  Ford.  It  was  a foggy  morning  and  Jones’  pickets  were  taken 
by  surprise.  The  Confederates  were  being  driven  back  when  Stuart  came 
to  their  assistance  with  Fitzhugh  Lee’s,  Hampton’s  and  W.  H.  F.  Lee’s 
brigades.  He  stopped  Buford’s  advance,  but  could  not  drive  him  back  as 
Buford  was  supported  by  infantry  well  posted. 

In  the  meantime  General  Gregg  with  two  divisions  of  cavalry  and  a 
brigade  of  infantry  crossed  without  opposition  at  Kelly’s  Ford.  One 
division  he  sent  on  the  direct  road  toward  Culpeper ; with  his  own  division 
he  marched  toward  Brandy  Station ; the  infantry  he  sent  northward  on  a 
road  nearer  the  river.  He  found  Robertson  alone  at  Brandy  Station,  and 
drove  him  out.  Stuart  now  came  to  Robertson’s  assistance  with  W.  II.  F. 
Lee  and  Jones.  After  desperate  cavalry  fighting,  General  Gregg  was 
obliged  to  fall  back  on  his  infantry.  As  General  Buford  had  been  slowly 
pushing  the  cavalry  in  his  front  and  advancing  on  the  station,  General 
Gregg  now  found  himself  on  Buford’s  left  flank.  Together  they  checked 
Stuart’s  advance  until  5:00  P.M.,  when  they  were  withdrawn  across  the 
river.  The  3rd  division  of  the  Union  cavalry  corps  met  only  a single 
Confederate  regiment  on  the  Culpeper  road,  which  was  easily  brushed 
aside;  it  took  no  further  part  in  that  day’s  operation  and  withdrew  to  the 
river  with  the  other  divisions.  The  forces  engaged  in  this  battle  were  about 
10,000  Confederate  cavalry,  and  about  10,000  Union  cavalry  and  infantry. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


25 


The  Union  lost  500  killed,  wounded  and  missing;  Confederates  lost  700 
killed,  wounded  and  missing.  General  W.  H.  F.  Lee  was  wounded,  and 
Colonel  Chambliss  succeeded  to  the  command  of  that  brigade. 

The  reconnoissanee  had  been  successful  in  developing  the  strength  of 
the  Confederate  cavalry  and  had  also  shown  that  they  were  supported  by 
infantry.  Bodes’  infantry  division  was  sent  by  General  Lee  to  Stuart’s 
assistance  and  arrived  at  Brandy  Station  too  late  to  take  part  in  the 
engagement. 

Capture  of  Winchester. 

On  June  12th,  before  the  Union  Army  could  profit  by  the  knowledge 
obtained  or  frustrate  his  movements,  General  Ewell  was  ordered  to  march 
on  Winchester,  Va.,  via  Front  Royal,  and  there,  if  possible,  capture  the 
division  of  General  Milroy.  That  town  was  not  occupied  by  Union  troops 
after  its  evacuation,  in  the  Antietam  campaign,  until  January,  1863,  when 
Milroy  was  sent  there.  Although  General  Halleek  had  given  repeated  in- 
structions that  this  town  was  not  to  be  occupied  in  force  and  its  troops 
were  to  be  withdrawn  promptly  whenever  threatened  by  superior  numbers, 
nevertheless,  it  was  gradually  converted  into  base  for  operation  in  the 
Shenandoah  Valley,  by  the  formation  of  a weak  entrenched  camp  and  by 
the  increase  of  its  garrison  to  a division  of  three  brigades. 

Finally,  on  June  10th,  when  he  learned  of  the  concentration  of  the 
Confederates  at  Culpeper,  General  Halleek  ordered  the  immediate  evacua- 
tion of  Winchester.  This  order  was  sent  to  General  Milroy  by  General 
Schenck,  chief -of-staff,  but  afterwards  on  General  Milroy ’s  representation 
was  in  effect  rescinded  by  General  Schenck ; in  view,  however,  of  an  ex- 
pected attack,  the  brigade,  which  had  occupied  Berryville,  was  ordered  to 
Winchester,  Va. 

Ewell  reached  Cedarville,  on  the  evening  of  June  12th,  and  was  there 
joined  by  Jenkin’s  cavalry  brigade.  From  the  information  given  him,  he 
decided  to  send  Bodes ’ division  with  Jenkins’  on  the  13th  to  capture  the 
brigade  at  Berryville,  then  have  Bodes  push  on  and  capture  the  post  at 
Martinsburg,  W.  Va.  General  Early’s  division  was  to  move  on  the  Cedar- 
ville road. 

General  Bodes’  division  moved  on  Berryville  and  while  making  dis- 
position to  surround  it,  found  that  the  Union  forces  had  retreated,  leaving 
only  a small  rear  guard.  Bodes  followed  the  retreating  force  to  Summit 
Point,  on  the  railroad  where  the  Union  brigade  had  turned  off  toward 
Winchester;  he  there  bivouacked  for  the  night.  In  pursuance  of  his 
original  orders,  on  the  following  morning  he  marched  on  Martinsburg,  and 
captured  five  pieces  of  artillery  and  some  stores,  which  he  took  with  him. 
The  garrison  of  that  post  having  orders  to  retreat  if  menaced  by  superior 
forces,  made  its  escape  during  the  night.  The  cavalry  was  pursued  by 
Jenkin’s  cavalry  brigade,  as  far  as  Williamsport,  Md.,  but  the  infantry 
escaped  to  Shepherdstown. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


27 


General  Early,  and  Johnson’s  infantry  divisions  marched  on  Win- 
chester, on  the  13th  and  met  Milroy’s  force  north  of  Kernstown,  and  drove 
him  to  his  fortified  position  north  of  Winchester.  On  the  morning  of  the 
14th,  finding  the  position  south  of  Winchester  too  strong  to  warrant  an 
assault,  Early  was  directed  to  make  a retrograde  and  turning  movement 
with  three  of  his  infantry  brigades  and  assault  the  fortifications  north  and 
west  of  the  town.  General  Early  reached  his  point  of  attack  without  being 
discovered  and  having  prepared  the  way  with  20  guns,  carried  the  works 
in  his  front  by  assault. 

That  night  General  Milroy  decided  to  retreat  on  Harper’s  Ferry, 
W.  Va.  This  movement  was  anticipated  by  General  Ewell,  who  sent  three 
brigades  of  Johnson’s  division  of  infantry  to  prevent  his  escape.  General 
Johnson  reached  the  Martinsburg  road  at  a point  five  miles  northeast  of 
the  town,  with  two  brigades  some  time  after  midnight.  At  that  moment  the 
head  of  the  retreating  troops  reached  the  same  point.  The  opposing  troops 
fought  in  the  early  dawn,  and  the  Confederates  were  about  to  be  over- 
whelmed when  the  opportune  arrival  of  Walker’s  brigade  turned  the  tide. 
The  Union  retreat  then  became  a riot.  General  Ewell  reports — The  fruits 
of  his  victory  were  23  pieces  of  artillery  “nearly  all  rifles,”  400  prisoners, 
300  loaded  wagons,  more  than  300  horses,  a large  amount  of  commissary 
and  quartermaster  stores.  Confederate  loss  was  47  killed,  219  wounded 
and  3 missing;  aggregate  269. 

General  Milroy’s  forces  reached  the  Potomac,  at  Harper’s  Ferry. 
Bodes ’ division  was  too  far  from  the  line  of  retreat  to  intercept  either  of 
the  columns.  Leaving  three  of  Early’s  regiments  (13th,  58th  Ya.  and  54th 
N.  C.),  to  guard  the  prisoners,  General  Ewell  moved  to  the  Potomac,  where 
Bodes’  division  crossed  the  river  on  the  15th,  at  Williamsport  Ford,  and 
on  the  19th,  moved  to  Hagerstown,  Md. ; on  the  18th,  Johnston’s  division 
crossed  at  Shepherdstown,  W.  Va. 

From  the  time  General  Lee’s  army  crossed  the  Potomac  River  until 
the  Battle  of  Gettysburg  began,  there  was  nothing  in  his  front  to  interfere 
with  his  onward  march.  After  moving  his  army  into  Maryland,  he  con- 
centrated it  at  Hagerstown,  six  miles  from  the  Potomac,  and  74  from 
Harrisburg,  his  objective  point. 

Action  Taken  by  the  President  to  Meet  the  Invasion  of  Northern  States. 

In  view  of  the  probable  invasion  of  Pennsylvania  on  June  10th,  the 
President  formed  two  new  departments;  that  of  the  Susquehanna,  with 
headquarters  at  Harrisburg,  under  General  Couch,  and  that  of  the  Monon- 
gahela,  with  headquarters  at  Pittsburgh,  under  command  of  General 
W.  T.  H.  Brooks. 

On  the  15th  of  June,  when  the  news  of  the  disaster  at  Winchester,  Ya., 
was  received  in  Washington,  President  Lincoln  issued  the  following  procla- 
mation : 


28 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


BY  THE  PRESIDENT  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES  OP  AMERICA. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

“Whereas,  The  armed  insurrectionary  combinations  now  existing  in  several  of 
the  states  are  threatening  to  make  inroads  into  the  States  of  Maryland,  Western  Vir- 
ginia, Pennsylvania  and  Ohio,  requiring  immediately  an  additional  military  force  for 
the  service  of  the  United  States: 

“Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States  and  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  thereof,  and  of  the  Militia  of  the  several 
States  when  called  into  actual  service,  do  hereby  call  into  service  of  the  United  States 
100,000  Militia  from  the  States  following,  namely : 

‘ ‘ Prom  the  State  of  Maryland,  ten  thousand. 

‘ ‘ Prom  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  fifty  thousand. 

“From  the  State  of  Ohio,  thirty  thousand. 

“Prom  the  State  of  West  Virginia,  ten  thousand. 

“To  be  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States  forthwith,  and  to  serve 
for  the  period  of  six  months  from  the  date  of  such  muster  into  said  service,  unless 
sooner  discharged — to  be  mustered  in  as  infantry,  artillery  and  cavalry,  in  proportions 
which  will  be  made  known  through  the  War  Department,  which  department  will  also 
designate  the  several  places  of  rendezvous. 

“These  militia  are  to  be  organized  according  to  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the 
volunteer  service,  and  such  orders  as  may  hereafter  be  issued. 

“The  States  aforesaid  will  be  respectively  credited,  under  the  enrollment  act, 
for  the  military  service  rendered  under  this  proclamation. 

“In  Testimony  Whereof,  I have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the  seal  of  the 
United  States  to  be  affixed. 

“Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  15th  day  of  June,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
1863,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  the  87th. 

“By  the  President: 

“Abraham  Lincoln. 

“Wm.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State.” 

The  governors,  also,  of  the  states  which  were  in  the  most  danger  of 
invasion,  issued  to  their  people  the  most  stirring  proclamations  calling  on 
them  to  rally  in  defense  of  their  homes,  and  beat  back  the  foe  from  northern 
soil.  Governor  Seymour  offered  20,000  men  from  the  state  of  New  York, 
and  the  great  “War  Governor,”  Andrews,  of  Massachusetts,  all  the  avail- 
able men  of  his  state,  including  three  regiments  of  old  soldiers,  who  had 
returned  after  serving  out  their  term  of  enlistment,  but  who  now  most 
nobly  offered  to  return  to  the  post  of  danger  and  help  save  the  imperiled 
Government. 

Retrograde  Movement  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

As  soon  as  General  Hooker  became  aware  of  the  flank  movement  of 
the  Confederate  Army,  he  wrote  to  General  Halleck  (commander-in-chief), 
suggesting  that  he  be  allowed  to  attack  the  forces  left  at  Fredericksburg, 
should  it  develop  that  General  Lee  was  dividing  his  army  to  make  an 
offensive  movement.  He  was  advised  by  Halleck,  not  to  move  across  the 
Rappahannock  River.  Again,  on  June  10th,  he  requested  permission  to  move 
on  Richmond.  This  was  also  refused.  Free  action,  however,  was  not 
permitted  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


29 


General  Hill  was  at  Fredericksburg  with  20,000  men  against  Hooker’s 
70,000  across  the  river.  General  Long  street  was  at  Culpeper,  35  miles 
away,  and  General  Ewell,  40  miles  beyond  Long  street.  It  will  be  seen  that 
General  Hooker  had  the  choice  of  either  breaking  Lee’s  attenuated  line  by 
holding  Hill  in  check  while  he  smashed  Longstreet,  or  of  holding  him 
stationary  at  Culpeper,  while  destroying  Hill  at  Fredericksburg,  and  then 
march  south  and  capture  Richmond.  This  would  effectually  have  drawn 
Lee  after  him,  away  from  his  double  threat  and  of  invasion.  This  able 
strategist,  tied  hand  and  foot  by  his  sleeping  superior  at  Washington, 
quickly  saw  Lee’s  fatal  position  and  pleaded  for  permission  to  take  advan- 
tage of  it.  General  Halleck’s  timidity  and  incompetency,  however,  stood 
firm — like  a mule  in  the  road — Hooker  was  ordered  to  hold  his  army  from 
increasing  the  peril  of  his  antagonist  until  Lee  should  recover  his  army 
to  safety;  then  to  trail  on  after  him — to  keep  the  invasion  going  safely 
past  Washington. 

Commenting  on  the  condition  of  the  War  Office  at  this  time,  President 
Lincoln  said,  “Our  folks  (Halleck  and  Stanton),  appear  to  know  but  little 
how  things  are  and  show  no  evidence  that  they  ever  will  avail  themselves 
of  any  advantage. 

General  Grant  said  of  Halleck,  “The  commander-in-chief  must  be  a 
fighter  as  well  as  a strategist,  and  that  his  authority  is  exercised  better 
anywhere  else  than  from  the  seat  of  political  authority.” 

Gideon  Wells,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  under  Lincoln,  does  not  far  miss 
the  truth  when  he  said : “I  have  seen  nothing  to  admire  in  the  military 
management  of  General  Halleck.  At  a time  when  activity  should  pervade 
military  operations,  has  no  activity,  never  exhibits  sagacity  or  foresight, 
sits  back  in  his  chair,  scowls  and  swears  about  the  stupidity  and  worthless- 
ness of  others.  This  seems  his  way  to  escape  censure  himself,  and  cover  his 
stupidity  in  high  position.” 

General  McClellan  said  of  Halleck:  “Of  all  men  I have  ever  en- 
countered, I do  not  think  he  ever  had  a correct  military  idea  from  beginning 
to  end.  It  was  more  difficult  to  get  an  idea  through  his  head  than  can  be 
conceived  by  anyone  who  never  made  the  attempt.” 

On  the  11th  of  June,  General  Hooker  began  to  withdraw  his  troops 
from  the  Rappahannock  River  and  concentrate  along  the  Orange  and 
Alexandria  Railroad,  near  Manassas  Junction,  enroute  for  the  Potomac 
River  near  Leesburg,  Va. 

June  15th,  the  1st  (Reynold’s),  2nd  (Hancock’s),  3rd  (Sickle’s),  5th 
(Meade’s)  and  12th  (Slocum’s)  infantry  corps  were  around  Manassas 
Junction.  The  cavalry  had  remained  at  and  near  Warrenton,  Va.,  to  cover 
this  movement,  on  the  15th  and  16th  joined  the  infantry  forces  about 
Manassas  Junction.  On  the  17th,  the  5th  corps  was  ordered  to  Gum  Springs, 
near  the  Little  River  Turnpike,  northwest  of  Manassas ; to  cover  this 
movement,  General  Gregg’s  cavalry  division  was  ordered  to  Aldie. 


30 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


Concentration  of  the  Confederate  Army  near  the  Potomac  River. 

When  General  Lee  learned  of  the  withdrawal  of  General  Hooker’s 
forces  from  the  Rappahannock,  he  ordered  General  Hill  to  move  with 
his  corps  to  Culpeper  and  thence  to  Winchester,  and  General  Longstreet 
with  his  corps  to  move  along  the  east  slope  of  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains 
from  Culpeper  northward  to  Ashby  and  Snickers  Gaps.  The  exposed 
flanks  of  General  Longstreet  and  Hill’s  corps  was  covered  by  General 
Stuart’s  cavalry  division.  Hill’s  corps  reaching  Shepherdstown,  W.  Va. 
June  23. 

On  June  19,  Longstreet  halted  Hood’s  division  in  Snicker’s  Gap. 
McLaw’s  division  in  Ashby  Gap  with  Pickett’s  division  in  the  mountain 
passes  between  the  other  two  divisions.  In  this  movement  Gen.  Fitzhugh 
Lee’s  cavalry  brigade  formed  the  advance  guard  as  far  as  the  Manassas 
Gap  railroad,  the  cavalry  brigades  of  Chambliss  and  Robertson  formed  its 
flank  guard.  General  Hampton’s  brigade  was  left  on  the  Rappahannock, 
and  Jones’  cavalry  was  between  Hampton  and  Robertson’s  cavalry  brigades. 

Cavalry  Engagements  in  the  Loudon  Valley,  Va. 

On  the  19th  of  June  after  escorting  Longstreet’ s corps  to  the  passes 
of  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains,  Fitzhugh  Lee’s  cavalry  brigade  moved  east- 
ward toward  Aldie  Pass,  in  the  Bull  Run  Mountains.  On  the  same  day 
General  Gregg’s  cavalry  division,  after  escorting  the  5th  corps  to  Gum 
Springs,  moved  westward  through  Aldie  Pass  to  ascertain  the  position  of 
the  enemy.  The  two  met  just  west  of  Aldie  where  the  brigades  of  Fitzhugh 
Lee  and  Kilpatrick  had  a spirited  engagement,  losing  24  killed,  41  wounded 
and  89  missing.  Confederate  loss  was  about  100  killed,  wounded  and 
missing.  On  the  approach  of  Gregg’s  remaining  brigades,  Fitzhugh  Lee 
retired. 

On  the  following  day  the  brigades  of  Chambliss  and  Robertson  having 
arrived  they  were  posted  on  the  road  leading  from  Aldie  to  Aldie  Gap 
and  about  six  miles  from  the  former  place.  Jones’  cavalry  brigade,  having 
arrived,  it  relieved  Fitzhugh  Lee’s  brigade,  which  was  then  moved  to  the 
road  from  Aldie  to  Snickers  Gap.  The  following  day,  June  20th,  Hampton’s 
brigade  arrived  and  was  attached  to  the  left  wing. 

There  was  some  skirmishing  between  the  cavalry  commands  at  Middle- 
burg,  Va.,  on  the  Ashby  Gap  road  June  18th  and  19th,  but  no  serious  move- 
ment until  the  21st,  when  General  Pleasonton  was  authorized  to  attack  the 
cavalry  in  his  front  and  to  ascertain  what  Confederate  forces  was  east  of 
the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains.  In  this  he  was  to  be  supported  by  the  5th 
corps  which  had  been  ordered  to  Aldie.  Therefore,  with  General  Gregg’s 
cavalry  and  Barnes’  infantry  division  of  the  5th  corps  on  the  Ashby 
Gap  road  and  Buford  cavalry  division  on  his  right,  General  Pleasonton 
moved  against  General  Stuart  and  drove  him  from  his  intrenched  position 
at  Upperville,  into  the  Blue  Ridge  passes.  In  the  defense  of  the  passes, 
Stuart’s  command  was  temporarily  relieved  by  Longstreet ’s  infantry.  Only 


MAP 

ILLUSTRATING  OPERATIONS 

OF  THE 

CAVALRY  CORPS,  ARMY  N.  VA„ 

DURING  THE 

Pennsylvania  Campaign,  1863, 

UNDER  COMMAND  OF 

MAJ.  GEN  J E.  B.  STUART. 
Explanations: 

Route  of  Main  Column, 

March  of  Detachments.  — - - — • ~ 

Rail  Roads.  ten 

Cccvulry  Engagements.  XXX 


32 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


Vincent’s  infantry  brigade  of  the  5th  corps  was  actively  engaged  in  this 
movement,  the  Union  lost  94  wounded;  Confederates  lost,  20  killed,  100 
wounded  and  60  missing. 

June  22nd,  General  Pleasonton’s  command  returned  to  Aldie,  where  they 
remained  with  the  5th  corps  until  the  26th,  when  they  moved  to  Leesburg, 
Va.  General  Stuart’s  cavalry  returned  to  the  valley  between  Bull  Run 
and  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains  where  he  remained  until  the  25th. 

Confederates  Advance  From  the  Potomac. 

As  it  was  apparent  on  the  22nd  of  June,  that  the  Federal  Army  had 
no  intention  of  advancing  across  the  Loudon  Valley,  General  Lee  issued 
the  order  for  the  advance  of  his  army  into  Pennsylvania.  Therefore,  on 
the  23rd,  General  Ewell’s  infantry  corps  moved  northward.  His  orders 
were  to  move  to  the  Susquehanna  River,  to  gather  stock  as  he  passed  along, 
as  well  as  provisions  of  all  kinds,  and  to  collect,  at  the  same  time,  all  the 
money  possible  by  assessing  the  various  towns. 

General  Ewell’s  main  body  consisting  of  one  (17th  Va.)  regiment  of 
Jenkins’  cavalry  brigade,  and  the  infantry  divisions  of  Bodes  and  Johnson 
marched  through  Hagerstown,  Md.,  Greencastle,  Chambersburg  and  Car- 
lisle, Pa.  His  left  was  protected  by  Stewart’s  infantry  brigade,  with  the 
Maryland  line,  which  moved  via  McConnellsburg,  its  right  by  General 
Early’s  infantry  division,  with  one  (Col.  White’s),  battalion  of  Jones’ 
cavalry  brigade,  which  moved  via  Waynesboro  to  Greenwood,  east  of 
Chambersburg.  The  march  was  a slow  one  because  of  the  flanking  columns 
and  the  collecting  of  supplies  in  a hostile  country.  From  Carlisle,  part  of 
Jenkins’  cavalry  was  sent  to  reconnoiter  the  defenses  of  Harrisburg,  and 
Ewell  himself,  was  preparing  to  move  against  it  on  the  26th,  when  he  was 
ordered  to  move  toward  Gettysburg. 

Early’s  division,  on  reaching  Greenwood,  turned  east  through  the 
South  Mountains,  Gordon’s  infantry  brigade  moved  directly  on  Gettysburg, 
and  the  infantry  brigades  with  the  17th  Va.  cavalry  regiment  moved  to 
Mummasburg.  From  there  Hay’s  infantry  brigade  was  sent  to  Gettysburg. 
The  requisition  made  upon  the  authorities,  was  not  complied  with.  (See 
page  No.  142.) 

The  right  wing  of  Early’s  division  then  moved  on  the  road  to  York. 
The  cavalry  going  to  Hanover  Junction,  Pa.,  while  his  left  wing  moved 
through  Hunterstown  and  East  Berlin.  The  division  reached  York  on 
June  28th,  and  made  a demand.  General  Early’s  report  (No.  470,  Vol.  27, 
Official  Record,  p.  466),  “The  requisition  made  upon  the  authorities  of 
York,  Pa.,  was  for  2,000  pairs  of  shoes,  1,000  pairs  of  socks,  1,000  hats, 
$100,000  in  money,  and  three  days  of  rations  of  all  kinds.  Fifteen  hundred 
pairs  of  shoes,  the  hats,  rations  and  socks,  together  with  only  $28,600  in 
money  was  furnished. 

General  Gordon  was  sent  at  once  to  seize  the  bridge  over  the  Susque- 
hanna River  at  Wrightsville,  in  this  he  was  unsuccessful,  as  the  bridge  was 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


33 


burned  by  local  troops  under  command  of  Colonel  Crane  at  Columbia. 
Gordon  was  to  destroy  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  at  Columbia,  and  move 
on  the  north  side  of  the  river  to  Harrisburg,  and  join  the  main  column  of 
Lee’s  army  which  was  moving  in  that  direction,  via  the  Cumberland  Valley. 
General  Early’s  division  therefore,  encamped  around  York,  where  on  June 
29th,  he  received  orders  to  join  his  corps  near  Gettysburg. 

General  Hill’s  corps  crossed  the  Potomac  River  on  the  24th,  and 
marched  through  Hagerstown,  Md.,  and  Chambersburg  to  Fayetteville,  Pa., 
where  it  arrived  June  27th.  On  the  29th,  General  Heth’s  division  was  sent 
across  the  mountains  to  Cashtown. 

General  Longstreet’s  corps  crossed  on  the  25th  and  26th,  and  reached 
Chambersburg  on  the  27th.  On  the  29tli,  the  divisions  of  McLaw  and  Hood 
were  sent  to  Greenwood;  Law’s  brigade  of  Hood’s  division  was  posted 
as  an  outpost  at  New  Guilford,  Pa. 

General  Imboden,  who  had  carried  out  his  preliminary  instructions 
and  had  destroyed  many  of  the  bridges,  blockhouses  and  water-tanks  along 
the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  was  ordered  to  keep  on  the  left  flank  of 
Ewell’s  corps  and  gather  information  and  collect  supplies.  He  therefore, 
assembled  his  force  at  Hancock,  Md.,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Potomac, 
where  Lee’s  courier  found  him  on  June  29th. 

Upon  Stuart’s  cavalry,  General  Lee  depended  for  information  of  the 
movements  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  He  was  therefore  directed  to 
cross  the  river  with  three  brigades  ( Hampton’s , FitzhugJi  Lee’s  and 
Chambliss’) , as  soon  as  their  service  could  be  spared  from  the  defense  of 
the  Blue  Ridge  passes.  He  was  directed  to  place  himself  on  Ewell’s  right 
flank  and  was  informed  that  one  of  Ewell’s  columns  would  probably  march 
to  Emmitsburg,  Md.  General  Stuart,  it  appears,  had  proposed  a plan  by 
which  he  was  to  move  through  Hopewell  Gap  and  reach  the  Potomac  by 
moving  around  the  rear  and  right  flank  of  the  Union  Army.  This  plan 
was  referred  to  by  General  Long  street  in  transmitting  General  Lee’s  order 
to  Stuart,  and  in  his  letter  to  Lee  informing  him  of  its  transmittal.  General 
Lee  finally  gave  Stuart  permission  to  move  by  the  route  which  seemed 
best.  However,  adding  that  if  the  Union  Army  was  not  moving  northward, 
he  had  better  move  into  the  Shenandoah  Valley  on  the  night  of  June  23rd, 
and  cross  the  river  at  Sheperdstown,  W.  Va.,  and  move  toward  Frederick, 
Md. 

Acting  under  the  discretionary  orders  thus  given  him,  on  the  23rd, 
General  Stuart  assembled  the  brigades  of  Fitzhugh  Lee,  Chambliss  and 
Hampton  on  the  Manassas  Gap  Railroad.  His  original  intention  was  to 
move  through  Hopewell  Gap,  northward  through  Thoroughfare  Gap,  Gum 
Springs  and  Dranesville,  Va.  However,  at  that  time  the  Union  forces  were 
too  far  south  to  permit  it.  In  Aldie  Gap  were  the  cavalry  and  the  5th 
corps ; in  Thoroughfare  Gap  and  Gainsville  was  the  2nd  corps ; at  Bristoe 
Station  and  Centerville,  was  the  6th  corps.  Not  knowing  fully  the  position 
of  the  Union  forces,  Stuart  went  through  a gap  south  of  Thoroughfare 
Gap  on  the  morning  of  the  25th,  and  ran  into  the  2nd  corps.  The  whole 
3 


34 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


day  was  spent  in  reconnoitering  the  Union  troops  and  in  a useless  engage- 
ment with  them.  On  the  following  day  he  marched  by  Brentsvilky  to  a 
point  on  the  Occoquan  River  below  its  junction  with  the  Bull  Run.  Chn 
the  27th,  Stuart  made  a long  march  and  that  night  crossed  the  river  art 
Rowser’s  Ford.  Finding  that  the  entire  Union  Army  was  at  or  near 
Frederick,  Md.,  on  the  28th,  he  marched  northward  through  Rockville  to' 
Brookville,  Md.  Near  Rockville  he  captured  a train  of  about  125  wagons, 
loaded  with  stores,  and  25  teams  without  wagons,  sent  to  haul  pontoons 
from  Edward’s  Ferry.  On  the  night  of  the  29th,  when  the  other  com- 
manders were  receiving  orders  to  march  on  Gettysburg,  he  had  just  reached 
Hood’s  Mills,  marching  northward  on  the  Washington-Westmister  road,, 
reaching  the  vicinity  of  Westmister  between  4 : 00  and  5 : 00  P.M.  Stuart’s 
advance  was  discovered  by  the  outpost  of  the  1st  Del.  cavalry  commanded1 
by  Maj.  N.  B.  Knight,  who  at  the  time  was  very  ill.  Capt.  Chas.  Corbit  of 
Co.  C with  82  men  dashed  toward  Stuart’s  three  brigades  then  approaching 
from  the  hillock  in  front  with  “Draw  sabers”!  In  the  spirited  mel’ee 
which  resulted  the  Confederates  lost  3 killed,  15  wounded ; Union  lost  7 
wounded  and  2 killed,  Captain  Corbit  being  among  those  killed  and  Lieu- 
tenant Churchman  wounded.  The  Confederates  captured  one  wagon  laden 
with  hospital  stores,  together  with  garrison  equippage  and  regimental 
books  and  papers. 

The  brigades  of  Robertson  and  Jones  were  left  by  Stuart  to  guard  the 
passes  in  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains  as  long  as  the  Union  Army  was  in 
their  front.  When  that  army  crossed  the  Potomac,  General  Robertson , who 
was  in  command  was  to  withdraw  beyond  the  Shenandoah  River,  cross  the 
Potomac  and  place  himself  on  the  right  and  rear  of  their  army.  One 
battalion  of  Jones’  brigade  was  attached  to  Ewell’s  infantry  corps  and 
another  was  on  picket  duty  near  Harper’s  Ferry.  Robertson’s  brigade 
and  the  three  remaining  regiments  of  Jones’  brigade,  was  assembled  at 
Berryville  on  the  29th,  preparatory  to  crossing  the  Potomac  and  joining 
their  army,  when  they  received  orders  to  march  to  Gettysburg. 

Concentration  of  the  Union  Army  at  Frederick,  Md. 

On  June  25tli,  the  Union  Army  began  crossing  the  Potomac  and  moved 
toward  Frederick,  Md.,  it  was  preceded  by  Stahel’s  cavalry  division  of 
the  Department  of  Washington,  which  had  been  sent  from  Fairfax  Court 
House,  for  this  purpose. 

On  the  26th,  the  cavalry  corps,  which  formed  the  rear  guard,  left 
Aldie  and  marched  to  Leesburg.  The  following  day  the  entire  army  was; 
concentrated  in  a circular  area  whose  diameter  is  twenty  miles  and  whose 
center  is  Frederick.  That  evening  General  Hooker  was,  at  his  own  request, 
relieved  from  the  command  of  the  army.  There  were  then  10,000  men  at 
Harper’s  Ferry,  under  command  of  General  French.  These  troops  former- 
ly belonged  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  but  the  “pepper  box  strategy,” 
of  Halleck,  had  detached  them,  General  Hooker  believing  that  Lee’s  army 


CON.  TABLETS 


VIRGINIA  STATE  MON 


Z"dtA.  D.  IMF. 


36 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


out-numbered  his;  and  at  the  same  time  knew  they  were  of  no  use  at 
Harper’s  Ferry,  W.  Va.,  while  the  enemy  was  in  Pennsylvania.  Halleck 
finally  telegraphed  General  Hooker  saying  that  “Harper’s  Ferry  is  the 
key  to  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  that  those  troops  cannot  be  spared.” 
Hooker’s  reply  was,  “If  Harper’s  Ferry  is  the  key  to  the  Shenandoah 
Valley,  what  the  devil  good  is  the  key  if  the  lock  is  broken?  If  I can’t 
have  those  troops,  send  on  my  successor.”  The  following  day  he  issued 
the  following  order  and  in  a few  hours  left  the  army. 

“Headquarters  Army  of  the  Potomac,  Frederick,  Md.,  June  28th,  1863. 

“General  Order  No.  65. — In  conformity  with  the  orders  of  the  War  Department, 
dated  June  27th,  1863,  I relinquish  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  It  is 
transferred  to  Major-General  George  G.  Meade,  a brave  and  accomplished  officer, 
who  has  nobly  earned  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  the  army  on  many  a well-fought 
field.  Impressed  with  the  belief  that  my  usefulness  as  the  commander  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  is  impaired,  I part  from  it,  yet  not  without  the  deepest  emotion.  Th.e 
sorrow  of  parting  with  the  comrades  of  so  many  battles  is  relieved  by  the  conviction 
that  the  courage  and  devotion  of  this  army  will  never  cease  nor  fail;  that  it  will  yield 
to  my  successor,  as  it  has  to  me,  a willing  and  hearty  support.  With  the  earnest 
prayer  that  the  triumphs  of  its  army  may  bring  success  worthy  of  it  and  the  nation, 
I bid  it  farewell. 

Joseph  Hookee,  Major-General. 

“S.  F.  Barston,  Acting  Adjutant-General.” 

Maj.-Gen.  George  G.  Meade,  commander  -of  the  5th  corps  was  ap- 
pointed by  President  Lincoln,  to  succeed  General  Hooker  and  assumed 
command  on  the  28th.  His  instructions  were  to  maneuver  and  fight  in 
such  a way  as  to  cover  Baltimore  and  Washington.  He  was  placed  in 
command  of  all  the  forces  in  his  sphere  of  operation,  including  those  at 
Harper’s  Ferry,  and  was  authorized  to  remove  from,  or  assign  to,  the 
command  of  any  part  of  his  army,  any  officer  whom  he  saw  fit.  On  taking 
command  he  issued  the  following  order : 

“Headquarters  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  June  28th,  1863. 

“General  Order  No.  66. — By  the  direction  of  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
I hereby  assume  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  As  a soldier,  in  obeying 
this  order,  an  order  totally  unexpected  and  unsolicited,  I have  no  promises  or  pledges 
to  make.  The  country  looks  to  this  army  to  relieve  it  from  the  devastation  and  disgrace 
of  a hostile  invasion.  Whatever  fatigues  and  sacrifices  we  may  be  called  upon  to 
undergo,  let  us  have  in  view  constantly  the  magnitude  of  the  interests  involved,  and 
let  each  man  determine  to  do  his  duty,  leaving  to  an  all-controlling  Providence  the 
decision  of  the  contest.  It  is  with  just  diffidence  that  I relieve  in  command  of  this 
army  an  eminent  and  accomplished  soldier,  whose  name  must  ever  appear  conspicuous 
in  the  history  of  its  achievements ; but  I rely  upon  the  hearty  support  of  my  com- 
panions in  arms  to  assist  me  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  important  trust 
which  has  been  confided  to  me. 

George  G.  Meade,  Major-General  Commanding. 

“S.  F.  Barston,  Assistant  Adjutant-General.” 

In  pursuance  of  his  order  and  from  what  definite  information  that 
the  corps  of  Ewell,  Hill  and  Longstreet,  had  marched  north  of  Hagers- 
town, Meade  decided  to  move  his  army  to  a line  Emmitsburg-Hanover, 
covering  Baltimore  and  Washington.  (Capt.  J.  G.  Rosengarten,  in  Penn- 
sylvania at  Gettysburg,  Yol.  1,  pp.  22,  says:  “When  Meade  took  com- 
mand he  unfolded  his  army  like  a fan,  keeping  it  always  between  the 
invading  enemy  and  the  great  cities  threatened  by  Lee.”)  Therefore 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


37 


General  Meade  moved  headquarters  to  Taneytown,  Md.,  having  his  engi- 
neers carefully  survey  the  country  two  miles  south,  at  a place  called  Pipe 
Creek,  where  he  expected  to  fight  a general  battle.  The  location  for  a 
battle  at  Gettysburg  was  a mere  accident.  Being  simply  a matter  of  two 
great  armies  marching  toward  each  other,  a question  of  time  only  as  to 
when  and  where  they  would  come  together. 

On  the  29th  of  June,  General  Buford  with  two  brigades  (Gamble- 
Devin),  of  his  division  of  cavalry,  marched  northward  through  Frederick, 
Md.,  toward  Fairfield,  Pa.,  his  third  (Merritt)  reserve  brigade  was  sent 
to  Mechanicstown.  General  Gregg’s  cavalry  division  marched  from  Ridge- 
ville,  to  New  Windsor,  Md.  General  Kilpatrick’s  cavalry  division  marched 
from  Frederick  to  Littlestown,  Pa.,  where  it  was  joined  by  the  5th  and  6th 
Michigan  cavalry  regiments.  That  same  day  the  1st  and  11th  corps  moved 
to  Emmitsburg ; the  3rd  to  Taneytown ; the  2nd  to  Union  Mills ; the  5th 
to  Liberty ; in  rear  of  the  2nd ; the  12th  to  Bruceville,  in  rear  of  the  3rd 
and  the  6th  to  New  Windsor,  on  the  road  to  Westminster,  Md. 

During  the  night  of  June  28th,  General  Lee  learned  from  a spy  that 
the  Union  Army  was  around  Frederick.  This  was  his  first  intimation  that 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  north  of  the  Potomac  River.  ( General  Lee 
writes : ‘ ‘ After  seeing  that  my  communication  with  Richmond  was  some- 
what seriously  endangered,  I in  this  emergency  concluded  to  threaten 
Baltimore.  As  a preliminary  measure,  I directed  my  entire  army  to  move 
on  Gettysburg.”)  He  had  assumed  that  General  Stuart  would  precede  the 
Union  Army  across  the  river  and  give  him  due  notice  of  that  fact. 

General  Hooker,  having  out-generaled  Stuart,  cut  him  off  from  General 
Lee’s  command  entirely.  The  Union  Army  crossed  the  river  lower  down. 
Lee  was  therefore  compelled  to  abandon  his  attack  on  Harrisburg,  and  also 
abandon  the  Cumberland  Valley.  He  crossed  the  South  Mountains,  into 
Ahe  Susquehanna  Valley. 

On  the  evening  of  June  29th,  these  orders  reached  all  the  separate 
Confederate  commanders,  except  General  Stuart.  The  military  situation 
was  then  as  follows : Of  the  nine  infantry  divisions  of  the  Confederate 
Army,  one  was  at  York ; two  at  Carlisle ; one  at  Chambersburg ; four 
near  Fayetteville;  and  one  at  Cashtown.  General  Stuart  with  three 
brigades  of  cavalry,  was  at  Union  Mills,  enroute  for  Littlestown.  Robertson 
with  two  cavalry  brigades,  was  at  Berry ville  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley, 
and  General  Imboden  was  at  Hancock,  Md.,  north  of  the  Potomac  River. 

Of  the  Union  forces,  Buford  with  two  cavalry  brigades  was  moving 
on  Fairfield;  Gregg’s  cavalry  division  was  nearing  Westminster;  and 
Kilpatrick’s  cavalry  division  was  at  Littlestown,  enroute  for  Hanover. 
The  infantry  corps  were  assembled  on  the  Emmitsburg-Taneytown- 
Westminster  roads. 


1 


Position  of  the  Armies  on  the  Night  of 
June  30th 

lN  June  30th,  the  movement  of  each  army  was  in  con- 
g formity  to  its  general  plan  of  operation.  The  Confederate 

m Army  moved  toward  Cashtown-Gettysburg. 

J B • General  Meade  sent  forward  General  Buford,  with  his 
| cavalry,  who  was  in  advance  of  the  infantry  on  the 
i left,  with  instructions  to  find  the  enemy,  to  bring  on 

*" -n — _ — 1 an  engagement,  and  then  to  fall  back  to  Pipe  Creek, 

Md.  Buford  moved  by  the  Emmitsburg  road,  and 
upon  that  marched  to  Gettysburg,  took  possession  of  the  town  and  posted  his 
pickets  so  as  to  watch  all  the  roads  from  the  Fairfield  road  on  his  left,  to  the 
Carlisle  road  on  his  right. 

Gamble’s  brigade  was  between  the  town  and  Willoughby  Run,  north 
and  south  of  the  Cliambersburg  road.  Its  picket  line  was  on  a ridge  west 
of  the  run,  and  an  advance  picket  (Co.  E)  of  the  8th  111.  regiment,  was  on 
a ridge  nearly  a mile  and  a half  in  its  front,  where  Sergeant  Jones  fired 
the  opening  shot,  as  the  enemy  crossed  Marsh  Creek  bridge  (see  page  2). 
Devin’s  brigade  was  north  of  the  town.* 

General  Stuart , who  was  at  Hood’s  Mills,  learned  that  the  Union 
cavalry  had  just  marched  to  Littlestown.  To  avoid  them,  he  therefore 
marched  to  Hanover.  As  his  advance  guard  ( Chambliss  leading  regiment), 
marched  into  the  town  it  encountered  General  Kilpatrick’s  rear  guard 
which  was  just  passing  through  it.  Although  out-numbering  Kilpatrick, 
Stuart  was  hampered  by  the  long  wagon  train  he  had  captured  and  was 
desirous  of  avoiding  an  engagement  which  would  still  further  delay  him. 
In  this  engagement  the  Confederates  lost  about  145  killed,  wounded  and 
missing.  Union  lost  11  killed  and  62  wounded. 

Stuart  turned  eastward,  made  a force  march  and  reached  Dover  July 
1st,  A.  M.  That  night,  June  30th,  the  position  of  the  opposing  forces  was  as 
follows:  At  Heidlesburg,  was  General  Ewell  with  Bodes ’ division  and 
three  miles  east  of  that  village  was  Early’s  division.  At  Cashtown,  were 
General  Seth  and  Pender’s  divisions.  Across  the  mountains  in  the  vicinity 
of  Fayetteville,  were  the  divisions  of  Anderson,  McLaw  and  Hood.  Pickett’s 
division  was  still  at  Chambersburg.  Robertson  and  Jones’  cavalry  brigades 
were  near  Martinsburg,  W.  Ya.,  and  Imboden’s  brigade  was  near  Mc- 
Connellsburg,  Pa. 

The  main  line  of  the  Union  Army  was  composed  of  Merritt’s  reserve 
cavalry  brigade,  at  Mechanicstown,  Md.,  the  1st  corps  at  Marsh  Creek, 

*0n  the  evening  of  June  30th,  General  Buford  said  to  General  Devin  : “Rest  assured  that 
the  enemy  will  attack  us  in  the  morning.  Their  skirmishers  will  come  thundering  along 
several  lines  deep,  and  we  shall  have  to  fight  like  devils  to  maintain  ourselves  until  the 
arrival  of  the  infantry.” 


39 


40 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


midway  between  Emmitsburg  and  Gettysburg;  the  11th  corps  at  Emmits- 
burg;  the  3rd  corps  a short  distance  east  of  Emmitsburg;  the  12th  corps 
at  Littlestown ; the  5th  corps  at  Union  Mills ; the  6th  corps  near  Man- 
chester; the  2nd  corps  was  in  the  second  line  at  Union  Mills;  Kilpatrick’s 
cavalry  division  was  at  Hanover,  and  General  Gregg  had  two  brigades  of 
his  cavalry  division  at  Westminster  and  one  (Huey’s)  at  New  Windsor, 
Md. 

Movements  Preceding  the  Battle. 

Confederate  Army. — Of  his  nine  infantry  divisions,  General  Lee  had 
only  four  east  of  the  South  Mountains,  and  these  were  not  concentrated. 
All  the  other  divisions  were  still  west  of  the  mountains  echeloned  along  the 
single  road  all  must  use  to  pass  this  barrier.  Of  his  cavalry  Lee  had  no 
knowledge  whatever,  and  Robertson  was  still  far  in  the  rear.  Of  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Union  Army  he  knew  nothing  more  than  the  report  of  General 
Pettigrew's  scouts  that  some  Federal  cavalry  had  taken  possession  of 
Gettysburg.  No  new  orders  were  therefore  given  for  July  1st,  the  corps 
commanders  were  allowed  to  complete  the  concentration  and  were  informed 
that  no  general  engagement  was  desired  until  the  army  was  concentrated. 
General  Lee  remained  with  Geiieral  Longstreet  until  the  afternoon,  when 
his  corps  began  to  cross  the  mountains. 

The  Confederate  point  of  concentration  having  been  shifted  by  General 
Hill  from  Cashtown  to  Gettysburg,  on  the  morning  of  July  1st,  he  ordered 
the  divisions  of  Heth  and  Pender  to  move  to  Gettysburg.  He  also  sent 
General  Ewell  word  that  he  was  going  there.  Early  that  morning  Heth 
started  with  his  division,  accompanied  by  Pegram’s  battalion  of  artillery. 

That  same  morning  General  Ewell  started  with  Rodes’  division  to 
march  directly  from  Heidlersburg  to  Cashtown;  before  reaching  Bigler- 
ville,  he  was  met  by  General  Hill’s  messenger  and  therefore  moved  from 
Biglerville  to  Gettysburg. 

General  Early  was  moving  on  the  Harrisburg  road  southward  when 
he  was  overtaken  by  a message  from  General  Ewell  to  move  to  Gettysburg. 
Gen.  Edward  Johnson,  with  the  2nd  corps  train,  was  leaving  the  Carlisle 
road  about  five  miles  north  of  Chambersburg,  marching  on  a cross  road 
for  Fayetteville.  General  Longstreet  was  preparing  to  move  across  the 
mountains  with  the  divisions  of  McLaw  and  Hood  as  soon  as  the  road  was 
cleared ; Pickett  with  his  division  was  to  join  them  east  of  the  mountains 
as  soon  as  relieved  by  Imboden’s  cavalry  brigade,  which  was  expected  that 
day. 

Union  Army. — General  Meade’s  orders  for  the  movements  on  July  1st 
were  issued  before  he  knew  definitely  of  the  withdrawal  of  the  Confederate 
forces  from  York  and  Carlisle.  Although  he  took  the  precaution  to  have 
all  the  unnecessary  trains  sent  to  the  rear,  and  the  army  ready  for  battle, 
he  did  not  intend  that  the  movements  ordered  should  involve  any  of  his 
army  corps  in  the  engagement  with  the  enemy.  His  orders  were : The  1st 
corps  to  Gettysburg ; the  11th  to  supporting  distance ; the  3rd  to  Emmits- 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


41 


burg;  the  12th  to  Two  Taverns;  the  2nd  to  Taneytown  and  the  5th  to 
Hanover. 

After  issuing  these  orders,  he  learned  that  the  Confederate  Army  was 
being  concentrated  probably  to  make  a sudden  descent  upon  him.  The 
point  of  concentration  could  not  be  accurately  fixed,  but  he  thought  it 
would  be  somewhere  on  the  road  from  Chambersburg  to  York.  As  his 
army  was  deployed  over  a long  line,  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  concentrate 
for  battle  either  in  advance  of  his  present  position  or  in  rear  of  it.  Select- 
ing a line  along  Pipe  Creek,  between  Middleburg  and  Taneytown,  Md., 
and  sent  a circular  to  his  corps  commanders  to  study  the  roads  by  which 
it  would  be  necessary  for  them  to  move  in  order  to  concentrate  there. 

He  also  wrote  to  General  Reynolds  giving  him  an  outline  of  the  mili- 
tary situation  and  asking  his  views  as  to  the  advisability  of  concentrating 
the  army  in  the  vicinity  of  Gettysburg,  in  view  of  the  information  given 
him  in  General  Meade’s  letter,  and  the  knowledge  Reynolds  had  of  the 
nature  of  the  country,  etc.  He  informed  him  that  the  orders  for  July  1st 
were  issued  before  the  evacuation  of  Carlisle  and  York  were  known.  Having 
great  confidence  in  the  ability  and  judgment  of  General  Reynolds,  he  had 
placed  him  in  command  of  the  left  wing  of  the  army,  which  included  the 
1st,  3rd  and  11th  corps,  with  instructions  “to  make  such  dispositions  and 
give  such  orders  as  circumstances  may  require.  ’ ’ General  Reynolds  ordered 
the  11th  corps  to  follow  his  own  (the  first)  on  to  Gettysburg;  all  the  other 
corps  moved  according  to  the  order  of  the  day. 

At  7 : 00  A.M.,  July  1st,  "Wadsworth’s  division,  which  was  bivouacked  on 
the  Emmitsburg  road  near  Marsh  Creek,  with  Hall’s  2nd  Maine  battery, 
moved  toward  Gettysburg.  The  2nd  division,  which  was  bivouacked  on  the 
road  running  from  Marsh  Creek  crossing  to  Fairfield,  and  the  3rd  division 
which  was  in  rear  of  the  1st  division  started  at  7 : 30  A.M.  The  11th  corps 
started  from  Emmitsburg  some  time  after  8:00  A.M.  Barlow’s  division 
moved  by  the  direct  Emmitsburg  road,  but  the  other  two  (Steinwehr- 
Sehurz)  divisions  being  encamped  east  of  Emmitsburg,  moved  by  a country 
road  which  entered  the  Taneytown  road  about  five  miles  south  of  Gettys- 
burg. 

Neither  the  Confederate  nor  Federal  movements  were  made  with 
haste  or  with  extreme  caution ; the  rains  of  the  preceding  days  made  the 
roads  difficult  and  neither  commander  was  expecting  to  meet  the  enemy 
in  force.  General  Hill  assumed  that  Gettysburg  was  held  by  a small 
cavalry  force,  which  could  readily  be  brushed  aside  by  Heth’s  division. 
General  Reynolds  assumed  that  no  enemy  could  be  met  enroute  since 
Buford’s  cavalrymen  held  Gettysburg. 

As  no  other  troops  received  orders  or  requests  to  move  to  Gettysburg 
until  the  afternoon,  the  only  troops  engaged  in  the  battle  of  July  1st,  were 
the  Confederate  divisions  of  Heth,  Pender,  Bodes  and  Early,  seventeen  bri- 
gades, and  the  Union  corps  of  Reynolds  and  Howard  (less  Smith’s  brigade), 
assisted  by  Buford’s  cavalry,  eleven  infantry  and  two  cavalry  brigades. 


A 


Battlefield  of  July  1st 

THE  field  upon  which  the  opposing  forces  met  this  day  lies  north 
and  west  of  Gettysburg,  and  is  limited  on  the  east  and  west  by  two 
insignificant  streams  called  Rock  Creek  and  Willoughby  Run.  It  is 
limited  on  the  south  by  the  Hanover  and  Fairfield  roads,  and  is  traversed 
by  the  roads  running  to  Chambersburg,  Mummasb'urg,  Carlisle,  York 
and  Harrisburg. 

About  a half  mile  west  of  the  town  there  is  a ridge  running  due  north 
and  south,  which  forms  the  divide  between  the  two  streams.  At  its  extreme 
north  end,  where,  in  the  report  of  the  battle  it  is  called  Oak  Hill,  it  rises 
120  feet  above  the  creeks;  opposite  the  town,  where  it  is  called  Seminary 
Ridge,  it  rises  to  a height  of  only  60  feet.  Its  eastern  slope  is  quite  steep ; 
its  western  very  gentle. 

Between  Rock  Creek  and  this  ridge  is  a level  plain.  Its  only  elevation 
is  Barlow’s  Knoll,  which  rises  about  30  feet  above  the  level  of  the  plain 
and  is  connected  with  Seminary  Ridge  by  a low  divide. 

The  field  between  Seminary  Ridge  and  Willoughby  Run,  is  traversed 
by  two  intermediate  ridges,  both  radiating  from  Oak  Hell.  The  first  ridge 
west  of  Seminary  Ridge,  crosses  the  Fairfield  road  14  of  a mile  west  of 
Seminary  Ridge.  North  of  the  Chambersburg  road,  the  depression  between 
this  and  Seminary  Ridge  is  hardly  perceptible,  but  at  the  Fairfield  road 
its  elevation  is  15  feet  less  than  Reynold's  Ridge,  which  is,  20  feet  less 
than  Seminary  Ridge. 

Between  Reynold’s  Ridge  and  Willoughby  Run  and  about  350  yards 
from  the  former  is  McPherson  Ridge.  This  ridge  is  pierced  by  Bender’s 
Ravine,  north  of  the  Chambersburg  road  and  terminates  in  the  McPherson 
Woods.  The  depression  between  this  and  Reynold’s  Ridge  is  a shallow  one. 

The  Western  Maryland  Railroad,  at  the  time  of  the  battle  graded 
but  not  completed,  runs  nearly  parallel  to  and  about  100  yards  north  of 
the  Chambersburg  road.  It  traversed  all  the  ridges  above  described  in 
cuts  from  8 to  20  feet  deep. 

The  field  was  generally  open,  but  scattered  over  it  were  groves  of  small 
extent.  The  most  notable  was  the  McPherson  Woods,  a grove  extending 
from  Reynold’s  Ridge  to  Willoughby  Run;  Shead’s  Grove,  covering  the 
west  slope  of  Oak  Ridge  from  the  railroad  northward,  and  the  Seminary 
Grove,  between  the  Chambersburg  and  Fairfield  roads. 

In  rear  of  the  position  and  the  town,  is  Cemetery  Hill.  This 
elevation  commands  the  plain  north  of  it  by  about  100  feet,  and  the  ridge 
at  the  Seminary  buildings  by  about  50  feet.  Since  it  commanded  all  the 
reads  by  which  the  1st  and  11th  corps  could  retreat  or  be  reinforced,  it  was 
the  true  key-point  of  the  position. 


43 


ON  the  afternoon  of  June  30th,  General  Meade  directed  .the  chief  of 
engineers  to  select  a field  of  battle  on  which  his  army  might  be  con- 
centrated, whatever  General  Lee’s  line  of  approach,  whether  by  Har- 
risburg or  Gettysburg — indicating  the  general  line  of  Pipe  Creek,  as  a suit- 
able locality.  Carefully  drawn  instructions  were  sent  to  the  corps  command- 
ers as  to  the  occupation  of  this  line  should  it  be  ordered ; but  it  was  added 
that  developments  might  cause  the  offensive  to  be  assumed  from  present  posi- 
tion. These  orders  were  afterward  cited  as  indicating  General  Meade’s  in- 
tention was  not  to  fight  at  Gettysburg.  They  were,  under  any  circumstances, 
wise  and  proper  orders ; but  events  finally  controlled  the  actions  of  both 
leaders. 

At  7:00  A.M.,  July  1st,  General  Buford’s  scouts  reported  Heth’s 

division  advancing  on  the  Chambersburg  road  (see  page  2),  when  Gamble’s 

cavalry  brigade  formed  on  McPherson’s  ridge  from  the  Fairfield  road  to 

the  railroad  cut,  with  one  section  of  Calef’s  battery  A,  2nd  U.  S.,  on  the 

Chambersburg  road.  Devin  formed  his  disposable  squadrons  from  Gamble’s 

right  toward  Oak  Hill,  from  which  he  had  afterward  transferred  them  to 

the  north  of  the  town  to  meet  Ewell.  As  Heth’s*  division  advanced,  he 

threw  Archer’s  brigade  to  the  right.  Davis’  brigade  to  the  left  of  the 

Chambersburg  road,  with  Pettigrew’s  and  Brockenbrough’s  brigades  in 

support.  The  Confederates  advanced,  skirmishing  heavily  with  Buford’s 

dismounted  troopers.  Calef’s  battery,  engaging  double  the  number  of  its 

own  guns,  was  served  with  an  efficiency  worthy  of  its  former  reputation  as 

“Duncan’s  battery,”  in  the  Mexican  war,  and  so  enabled  the  cavalry  to 

hold  their  long  line  for  two  hours.  When  Buford’s  report  of  the  enemy’s 

advance  reached  General  Reynolds  ordering  the  1st  and  General  Howard 

- — \ 

*General  Heth,  whose  division  opened  the  battle  on  the  Confederate  side,  says,  as  he 
ordered  his  troops  forward  on  the  morning  of  July  1st,  he  was  struck  on  the  head  by  a minie 
ball  and  fell  unconscious,  in  which  condition  he  lay  for  30  hours.  The  hat  worn  by  him  was 
too  large  for  his  head — he  had  folded  a newspaner  and  placed  it  inside  around  the  band. 
This  paper  saved  his  life — the  bullet  glancing  followed  the  paper  band  but  ieft  a deep  dent 
In  his  skull. 


44 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


45 


with  the  11th  corps  to  follow,  hastened  toward  Gettysburg  with  Wadsworth’s 
division  of  two  brigades  (Meredith-Cutler)  and  Hall’s  2nd  Maine  battery. 
On  approaching,  he  heard  the  sound  of  a battle,  directed  the  troops  to  cross 
the  fields  toward  the  firing,  galloped  himself  to  the  Lutheran  Theological 
Seminary  (see  page  138),  met  Bulford  and  both  rode  to  the  front  where  the 
dismounted  cavalrymen  were  gallantly  holding  their  ground  against  great 
odds.  After  viewing  the  field,  he  sent  back  word  to  hasten  General  Howard, 
and  as  the  enemy’s  main  line  was  now  advancing  to  the  attack,  directed 
me, — having  arrived  in  advance  of  my  division,  to  look  to  the  Fairfield 
road.  I sent  Cutler  with  three  of  his  five  regiments  north  of  the  railroad 
cut  (see  page  2),  posted  the  other  two  under  Colonel  Fowler,  of  the  84th 
N.  Y.  (14th  Brooklyn)  regiment,  south  of  the  railroad  cut,  replaced 
Calef’s  battery  by  Hall’s,  thus  relieving  the  cavalry.  In  the  meantime, 
Archer’s  brigade  had  occupied  McPherson’s  Woods,  as  Meredith’s  “Iron 
Brigade”  came  up  they  were  sent  forward.  I fully  recognized  the  impor- 
tance of  the  position  to  dislodge  Archer.*  At  the  entrance  of  the  woods 
they  saw  Reynolds  in  person  and  animated  by  his  presence,  the  men  of  the 
Iron  Brigade  rushed  forward,  struck  successive  heavy  blows,  out-flanked 
and  turned  the  enemy’s  right,  captured  General  Archer  and  a large  number 
of  his  men,  and  pursued  the  remainder  across  Willoughby  Run. 

Wadsworth’s  division  had  thus  won  decided  success  against  superior 
numbers,  but  it  was  at  grievous  cost  to  the  army  and  the  country,  for 
General  Reynolds,  while  directing  the  operation,  was  killed.  It  was  not, 
however,  until  by  his  promptitude  and  gallantry  he  had  determined  the 
decisive  field  of  the  war,  and  had  opened  brilliantly  a battle,  which  re- 
quired three  days  of  hard  fighting  to  close  with  a victory.  To  him  may  be 
applied,  in  a wider  sense  than  in  its  original  one,  Napiek’s  happy  Eulogium 
on  Ridge.  “No  man  died  on  that  field  with  more  glory  than  he;  yet 
many  died,  and  there  was  much  glory.”  The  fatal  bullet  pierced  his  head 
and  he  fell,  dying  almost  instantly.  His  remains  were  taken  to  Lancaster, 
Pa.,  the  city  of  his  birth,  where,  on  July  4th,  midst  tolling  bells  and  muffled 
drums,  and  solemn  requiems  sadly  chanted,  all  that  was  mortal  was  laid 
away  in  quiet  rest  until  that  day  when  carnal  strife  is  lost  in  everlasting 
peace”  (see  page  42). 


*General  Archer’s  men  had  been  told  that  they  would  meet  nothing  but  Pennsylvania 
militia  which  they  expected  to  brush  out  of  the  way  with  but  little  trouble ; but  when  they 

saw  the  “Iron  Brigade,”  some  of  them  were  heard  to  say  “ ’Taint  no  Militia  ; there’s  them  

black  hatted  devils  again;  it’s  the  Army  of  the  Potomac!” 

Note. — Maj.-Gen.  J.  G.  Rosengarden  says  of  Major-General  Reynolds ; "Brave,  generous 
and  true,  his  courage  never  failed  where  duty  called.  In  all  the  intrigues  of  the  army,  and 
interference  of  the  politicians  and  its  management,  he  silently  set  aside  the  tempting  offers  to 
take  part,  and  served  his  successive  commanders  with  unswerving  loyalty,  zeal  and  faith. 
In  the  full  flush  of  life  and  health,  watching  and  even  leading  the  attack  of  a comparatively 
small  body,  a glorious  picture  of  the  best  type  of  military  leader,  superbly  mounted,  horse  and 
man  sharing  in  the  excitement  of  the  shock  of  battle.  Reynolds  was,  of  course,  a shining 
mark  to  the  enemy.  He  had  taken  his  troops  into  a heavy  growth  of  timber,  and,  under 
their  regimental  and  brigade  commanders,  the  men  did  their  work  well  and  .promptly.  Re- 
turning to  rejoin  the  expected  division,  he  received  the  fatal  shot.  At  that  moment  his  body 
was  taken  to  the  rear,  for  his  death  was  almost  instantaneous.  General  Archer  and  other 
prisoners  were  sent  to  the  rear  almost  at  the  same  time,  and  their  respectful  conduct  was  in 
itself  the  highest  tribute  they  could  pay  to  him  who  had  thus  fallen.” 


46 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


The  line  north  of  the  Chambersburg  road  (Cutler’s  brigade)  had 
hardly  formed  when  it  was  struck  by  Davis’  brigade  on  its  front  and  right 
flank,  whereupon  to  save  it  I ordered  it  to  fall  back  to  Seminary  Ridge. 
This  order  not  reaching  the  147th  N.  Y.  regiment,  its  gallant  commander 
held  it  in  its  position  until  having  lost  half  its  number,  the  order  to  retire 
was  repeated.  Hall’s  battery  was  now  imperiled,  it  withdrew  by  sections, 
fighting  at  close  range  and  suffering  severely.  Major  Fowler  thereupon 
changed  his  front  to  face  Davis’  brigade  which  held  the  railroad  cut  with 
Dawe’s  6th  'Wisconsin  regiment,  I sent  to  aid  the  147th  N.  Y.  and  14th 
Brooklyn  regiments,  which  charged  and  drove  Davis  from  the  field.  The 
Confederates  suffered  severely,  losing  all  its  field  officers  but  two,  and  a 
large  proportion  of  its  men  killed,  wounded  and  captured,  the  brigade 
being  disabled  for  further  effective  service  that  day.* 

After  the  repulse  of  Archer  and  Davis’  brigades,  Heth’s  division  was 
formed  in  line  mostly  south  of  the  Chambersburg  road,  with  Degram’s  and 
McIntosh’s  artillery  (9  batteries)  occupied  the  commanding  position  on 
Herr’s  Ridge  west  of  Willoughby  Run.  I then  reestablished  our  former 
line,  Meredith’s  brigade,  holding  McPherson’s  Woods.  Soon  after  Rowley’s 
and  Robinson’s  divisions  and  the  four  remaining  batteries  of  the  corps 
artillery  arrived.  Rowley’s  (my  old)  division  was  thrown  forward.  Stone’s 
brigade  to  the  interval  between  Meredith’s  and  Cutler’s  brigades,  and 
Biddle’s  brigade  with  Cooper’s  battery  to  occupy  the  ridge  between  the 
woods  and  the  Fairfield  road.  Reynold’s  battery  relieving  Hall’s  battery. 
Calef’s  IT.  S.  battery  rejoined  Gamble’s  cavalry  brigade  now  in  reserve. 
Robinson’s  division,  two  brigades  (Paul-Baxter),  was  halted  near  the 
base  of  Seminary  Ridge.  By  this  time  near  noon,  Gen.  0.  0.  Howard 
arrived,  assumed  command,  directed  General  Schurz,  temporarily  com- 
manding the  1 1th  corps,  to  prolong  our  line  toward  Oak  Hill,  with 
Schimmelfening’s  and  Barlow’s  divisions  of  two  brigades  each,  the  former 
(Yon  Amsberg-Ivryzanowski’s),  the  latter  (Ames-Von  Gilsa’s),  and  three 
batteries  (Wheeler’s  13th  N.  Y.,  Dilger’s  1st  Ohio,  Wilkenson’s  4th  U.  S.), 
and  posted  Stinwehr’s  division  of  two  brigades  ( Coster-Smith’s),  and  two 
batteries  on  Cemetery  Hill  as  a rallying  point. 

By  1 : 00  P.M.,  when  his  corps  was  arriving,  Gen.  Buford  reported 
the  approach  of  Ewell’s  corps  by  the  Harrisburg  road.  General  Howard 
then  called  on  General  Sickles  commanding  the  3rd  corps  at  Emmitsburg 

*Gen.  R.  R.  Dawes  says,  of  the  charge  of  the  6th  Wis.  regiment  at  the  railroad  cut 
(see  page  2)  : “The  only  command  I gave,  as  we  advanced,  was  ‘Align  on  the  colors;  close 
up  on  the  flag  !’  The  regiment  was  being  broken  up  so  that  this  order  alone  could  hold  the 
body  together.  Meanwhile  the  colors  were  down  upon  the  ground  several  times,  but  were 
raised  at  once  by  the  heroes  of  the  color-guards  ; not  one  of  the  guards  escaped,  every  man 
being  killed  or  wounded.  Pour  hundred  and  twenty  men  started  from  the  Chambersburg  road 
(see  page  2),  of  whom  240  reached  the  cut;  years  afterwards  I found  the  distance  passed  over 
to  be  175  paces.  Every  officer  proved  himself  brave,  true  and  heroic,  encouraging  the  men 
to  breast  this  deadly  storm;  but  the  real  impetus  was  the  eager,  determined  valor  of  our  men 
who  carried  muskets  in  the  ranks.  The  enemy’s  flags  could  be  seen  waving  defiantly  above 
the  edge  of  the  cut.  A heroic  ambition  to  capture  it  took  possession  of  several  of  our  men. 
Corporal  Eggleston,  a mere  boy,  sprang  forward  to  seize  it,  was  shot  dead  the  moment  his 
hand  touched  the  flag.  Into  the  deadly  mel’ee  rushed  Corporal  Waller,  who  seized  and  held 
the  battle  flag.  It  was  that  belonging  to  the  2nd  Miss,  regiment.  Corporal  Kelly  turned  to  me 
as  we  both  moved  hurriedly  forward.  He  pulled  open  his  shirt  and  a mark  where  a deadly 
minie  ball  entered  his  breast  was  visible.  He  said:  ‘Colonel,  won’t  you  please  write  my 
folks  that  I died  a soldier.’  ’’ 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


47 


and  General  Slocum,  commanding  the  12th  corps  at  Two  Tavers  for  aid, 
to  which  both  of  these  officers  promptly  responded.  It  was  now  no  longer 
battle  of  QETTTSBrRG-jajy  i«t,  1863,  afternoon.  a question  of  prolonging  our 

line,  but  of  protecting  it 
against  Ewell  while  engaged 
in  front  with  Hill.  General 
Schurz’s  two  divisions,  hardly 
6,000  effectives,  accordingly 
formed  in  line  on  the  open 
plain  half  a mile  north  of 
the  town.  They  were  too 
weak  to  cover  the  ground, 
and  a wide  interval  was  left 
between  the  two  corps  cov- 
ered only  by  the  fire  of  Dil- 
ger’s  and  Wheeler’s  batter- 
ies. That  morning  whilst  on 
the  march  toward  Cashtown, 
General  Ewell  received  Gen- 
eral Hill’s  message  that  his 
corps  was  advancing  on 
Gettysburg,  whereupon  he 
(Ewell)  turned  the  head  of 
his  men  to  that  point.  Re- 
porting the  change  by  a staff-officer  to  General  Lee,  Ewell  was 
instructed  that  if  the  Federals  were  in  force,  a general  battle  was  not  to  be 
brought  on  until  the  rest  of  the  army  was  up.  Approaching  Gettysburg, 
General  Bodes , guided  by  the  sound  of  a battle,  followed  the  prolongation 
of  Oak  Hill;  Iverson,  Daniel  and  Ramseur’s  brigades  on  the  western, 
O’Neal  and  Dole’s  brigades  on  the  eastern  slope.  General  Ewell  recog- 
nizing the  importance  of  Oak  Hill,  ordered  it  to  be  occupied  by  Carter’s 
artillery  battalion  of  four  ( Carter’s  Va.,  Fry’s  Va.,  Page’s  V a.  and  Reese’s 
Alb.)  batteries  of  four  guns  each,  which  immediately  opened  fire  on  both 
of  the  Federal  corps,  enfilading  our  entire  line.  This  caused  General 
Wadsworth  again  to  withdraw  Cutler’s  brigade  to  Seminary  Ridge  and 
Reynold’s  battery  was  posted  near  McPherson’s  Woods  under  partial 
cover.  Stone  therefore  placed  two  (143rd,  149th  Pa.)  of  his  three  regiments 
on  the  Chambersburg  road,  so  as  to  face  Oak  Hill.  This  left  an  interval 
between  Stone  and  Cutler’s  brigades  through  which  the  batteries  of 
Cooper  and  Reynolds  could  fire  with  effect,  giving  also  to  these  lines  a 
cross-fire  on  troops  entering  the  angle  between  them.  General  Robinson 
now  sent  his  two  (Paul-Baxter’s)  brigades  to  strengthen  Cutler’s  right. 
They  took  position  behind  the  stone  fence  on  Oak  Ridge.  Paul’s  brigade 
facing  west,  Baxter’s  north.  General  Rodes  regarding  this  advance  as  a 
menace,  gave  orders  about  3:00  P.M.  to  attack.  Iverson’s  brigade  sweep- 


Note. — Gen.  R.  F.  Hoke,  being  wounded  at  the 
battle  of  Friedericksburg,  and  General  McGowan 
at  Chancellorsville,  their  brigades  were  commanded 
respectively  by  J.  E.  Avery  and  Abner  Perrin. 


48 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


ing  around  to  liis  left,  engaged  Paul’s  brigade,  O’Neal  attacking  Baxter’s 
troops.  General  Bodes’  attack  was  therefore  unsuccessful.  O’Neal’s  bri- 
gade was  repulsed  by  Baxter  who  had  the  cover  of  a sunken  (Mummasburg) 
road;  the  repulse  of  O’Neal  soon  enabled  Baxter’s  troops  to  turn  upon, 
Iverson’s  brigade.  Cutler’s  men  also  attacked  Iverson’s  troops  with  an 
enfilading  fire  between  Shead’s  grove  and  Oak  Hill,  after  losing  severely, 
killed  and  wounded;  three  of  Iverson’s  regiments  surrendered.  General 
Robinson  reports  the  capture  of  1,000  prisoners  and  3 stands  of  colors. 
General  Paul  was  severely  wounded,  losing  both  eyes.  Meanwhile  Daniel’s 
brigade  advanced  directly  on  Stone’s  brigade,  who  maintained  his  line 
against  this  attack  and  also  Brockenbrough’s*  brigade,  of  Hill’s  corps. 
Colonel  Stone  fell  severely  wounded,  Colonel  Wister  who  succeeded  him 
met  the  same  fate,  the  command  of  the  brigade  falling  to  Colonel  Dana. 
Bamseur  who  followed  Daniel’s  left,  caused  the  fighting  to  become  severe. 
East  of  the  ridge  Dole’s  troops  had  been  held  in  observation,  but  about 
3:00  P.M.  on  the  arrival  of  Early’s  division,  that  approached  from  the 
northeast  by  the  Harrisburg  road,  sent  his  skirmishers  forward,  and  those 
of  Devin’s  Union  cavalry  had  gallantly  held  the  enemy’s  advance  in  check 
with  his  dismounted  troopers  from  their  line  and  its  hillock  on  Rock 
Creek.  General  Barlow  considering  this  an  eligible  position  for  his  own 
right,  advanced  his  division  supported  by  Wilkeson’s  4th  U.  S.  battery  and 
seized  it.  This  made  it  necessary  for  General  SJvurz  to  advance  Kryzanow- 
ski’s  brigade,  of  Schimmelfening’s  division  to  connect  with  Barlow,  length- 
ening his  already  too  extended  line. 

The  arrival  of  General  Early’s  division  of  four  ( Gordon , Hays,  Smith 
and  Avery’s ) brigades  of  infantry,  and  Jones’  artillery  battalion  of  four 
( Green’s  La.,  Garber’s  Va.,  Tanner’s  Va.,  Carrington’s  Va.),  batteries  of 
16  guns,  had  by  this  time  brought  an  overwhelming  force  on  the  flank 
and  rear  of  the  11th  corps.  Jones’  artillery  was  placed  in  the  woods  north- 
east of  Rock  Creek,  within  easy  range,  enfilading  its  whole  line  and  took  it 
in  reserve,  while  the  brigades  of  Hays,  Gordon  and  Avery  in  line,  with 
Smith’s  brigade  in  reserve,  advanced  about  3:15  P.M.,  upon  Barlow’s 
position.  Dole’s  brigade  of  Bodes’  division,  connecting  with  Gordon’s 
brigade,  an  obstinate  and  bloody  contest  ensued,  in  which  General  Barlow 
was  desperately  wounded,  and  Lieutenant  Wilkeson  mortally  wounded 
and  the  whole  line  was  forced  back  to  its  original  position,  on  which, 
with  the  aid  of  Coster’s  brigade  of  Steinwehr’s  division  and  Hickman’s 
Ohio  battery  from  Cemetery  Hill.  General  Schurz  endeavored  to  rally 
it  and  cover  the  town.  The  fighting  here  was  well  sustained,  but  the 
Confederates  were  overpowering  in  number,  and  the  Union  troops  were 
being  forced  back  (see  page  55),  General  Ewell’s  troops  entering  the  town 
from  the  north  at  about  5 : 00  P.M.  These  retrograde  movements  had  un- 
covered the  left  flank  of  the  1st  corps  and  made  its  right  untenable. 


*General  BrocTcenbrough,  in  an  article  contributed  by  Mm  to  the  Philadelphia  Weekly 
Times,  states : “As  my  brigade  charged  south  of  the  Chambersburg  road,  I suffered  a severe 
loss  in  killed  and  wounded,  from  the  fire  of  the  Pennsylvania  Bucktails  (Stone’s  brigade)  who 
took  shelter  in  the  old  (McPherson)  barn.  For  a while  it  seemed  as  if  beneath  every  shingle 
on  the  west  of  the  roof  there  was  a gun  barrel”  (see  page  30). 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


49 


Meanwhile  the  1st  corps  had  been  heavily  engaged  along  its  entire 
line;  on  the  approach  of  Rodes’  division,  General  Hill  attacked  with  his 
divisions.  They  were  thus  opposed  to  a single  disconnected  Federal  line 
south  of  the  Cliambersburg  road,  two  solid  Confederate  lines  which  out- 
flanked their  left  a quarter  of  a mile  or  more.  Biddle’s  small  brigade,  less 
than  1,000  men,  was  gradually  forced  back  in  the  McPherson  Woods  and 
beyond.  Meredith  and  Dana’s  brigades  respectfully  repulsed  their  assail- 
ants; but  as  Biddle’s  retirement  uncovered  their  left;  they  too  fell  back  to 
successive  positions,  from  which  they  inflicted  heavy  losses,  until  finally 
all  three  reached  the  foot  of  Seminary  Ridge,  where  Colonel  Wainwright, 
commanding  the  corps  artillery  had  planted  12  guns  south  of  the  Cham- 
bersburg  road,  with  Stewart ’s  battery  manned  in  part  by  men  of  Meredith ’s 
(Iron)  brigade,  north  of  it.  General  Buford  had  already  thrown  half  of 
Gamble’s  cavalry  brigade,  dismounted,  south  of  the  Fairfield  road.  Heth’s 
division  had  suffered  so  severely  that  Pender’s  division  passed  to  its  front 
thus  bringing  fresh  troops  to  bear  on  the  exhausted  Federal  line.* 

About  5 : 30  P.M.,  the  whole  Confederate  line  advanced  to  a final 
attack,  Perrin  and  Scales’  brigades  were  badly  broken,  as  Stewart  swinging 
half  of  his  guns  on  the  above-mentioned  road  raked  it.  The  whole  corps 
being  now  heavily  engaged  and  its  right  uncovered,  I gave  the  order  to 
fall  back  to  Cemetery  Hill,  which  was  effected  in  comparatively  good  order, 
the  rear  covered  by  the  7th  Wisconsin  regiment  turning  when  necessary  to 
check  pursuit.  At  this  time  the  position  of  the  Union  forces  was  a most 
critical  one.  The  Confederates  advanced  in  massive  columns.  The  fighting 
was  terrible.  Colonel  Wainwright  had  clung  with  his  battery  to  Seminary 
Ridge  until  seeing  the  infantry  retreating  to  the  town,  he  then  moved  down 
the  road  until  lapped  on  both  sides  by  the  enemy,  abandoning  one  gun, 
all  its  horses  being  killed,  the  11th  corps  also  left  a disabled  gun  on  the 
field.  Of  the  troops  who  passed  through  the  town,  many  became  confused, 
got  entangled  in  the  streets.  The  Confederates  rushed  after  them  (see 
page  55),  making  prisoners  in  the  town  and  on  the  roads  leading  to  Ceme- 
tery Hill. 

Thus  the  1st  day’s  battle  ended  in  defeat,  through  the  overwhelming 
superiority  in  numbers  of  the  Confederate  forces.  The  Union  troops 
were  driven  from  all  ground  fought  over  that  day,  also  from  the  town, 
being  compelled  to  leave  their  dead  and  wounded  in  the  hands  of  the 
enemy  (see  page  61).  So  you  will  understand  that  the  general  moral 
effect  of  the  1st  day’s  battle  was  greatly  against  the  Union  Army.  The 
hard  fighting  of  this  day  prevented  the  enemy  from  occupying  the  best 
position,  and  the  heroic  work  of  the  Union  troops  had  saved  the  credit 
of  the  day,  and  made  possible  the  victory. 


*As  evidence  that  the  Confederates  lost  heavily  this  day,  I quote  from  General  Heth’s 
official  report.  The  general  himself  was  severely  wounded.  He  says  : “In  less  than  25  min- 
utes, my  division  lost  in  killed  and  wounded,  over  2.700  men.”  The  character  of  the  fighting 
may  also  be  judged  from  the  loss  sustained  by  the  151st  Pennsylvania  regiment,  which  taking 
into  action  466  officers  and  men,  lost  337  killed  and  wounded  in  about  40  minutes,  mean- 
while inflicting  a nearly  equivalent  loss  upon  the  N.  C.  regiment  opposing.  •*»*»• 
4 


50 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


On  ascending  Cemetery  Hill,  the  retreating  Union  troops  found  the 
sharpshooters  of  General  Steinwehr’s  division  occupying  the  buildings  of 
the  town  in  front  of  their  line.  Colonel  Wainwright  and  Osbourn  soon  had 
a formidable  array  of  cannon  ready  to  cover  with  its  fire  all  the  approaches. 
General  Buford  assembled  his  cavalry  on  the  plain  southwest  of  Cemetery 
Hill,  covering  the  left  and  presenting  a firm  front  to  any  attempt  at 
pursuit.  The  first  corps  found  a small  reinforcement  awaiting  it,  in  the 
7th  Indiana  regiment,  part  of  the  train  escort  which  brought  about  500 
fresh  troops.  General  Wadsworth  led  them  to  Culp’s  Hill,  where  under 
directions  of  Captain  Patterson,  a defensive  line  was  constructed.  There 
brigade  (Cutler’s)  soon  joined  them;  wood  and  stone  were  plentiful,  and 
their  line  was  solidly  established  (see  page  142). 

An  Heroic  Incident — Sgt.  Benjamin  Crippen  Refuses  to  Surrender  the  Flag. 


Lieut. -Col.  Freemantle,  of  the  English  army,  a spec- 
tator, riding  by  the  side  of  General  Hill,  relates  the  follow- 
ing: “A  Yankee  color-bearer  floated  his  standard  in  the 
field  and  the  regiment  fought  around  it,  and  when  at  last 
it  was  obliged  to  retreat,  the  color-bearer  retreated  last  of 
all,  turning  around  now  and  then  to  shake  his  fist  in  the 
face  of  the  advancing  Confederates.  ’ ’ He  was  shot. 
General  Hill  said  he  felt  sorry  when  he  saw  this  gallant 
soldier  meet  his  fate.  This  regiment  was  the  143rd  Pa. 
and  the  color-bearer  Sgt.  Ben.  Crippen,  to  whose  heroic 
conduct  the  survivors  of  the  regiment  have  erected  a 
monument  near  the  spot  where  he  fell.  It  is  chiselled  from 
granite,  life  size,  and  in  that  defiant  attitude  in  which  he 
met  his  death. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


51 


General  Lee,  who  witnessed  the  final  attack  of  this  day,  sent  Colonel 
Long  of  his  staff,  a competent  officer,  to  examine  the  position,  and  directed 
General  Eivell  to  carry  it  if  practicable,  renewing  however,  his  previous 
warning  to  avoid  bringing  on  a general  engagement  until  his  army  was  all 
up.  Both  of  these  officers  found  the  position  a formidable  one,  strongly 
occupied  and  not  accessible  to  artillery  fire. 

General  Eivell’ s men  were  indeed  in  no  condition  for  immediate 
assault;  General  Rodes’  division  had  suffered  severely;  General  Early 
had  but  two  brigades  disposable,  the  other  two  having  been  sent  on  a 
report  of  the  advance  of  the  Federal  troops,  probably  the  12th  corps  then 
near,  by  watching  the  York  road.  General  Hill’s  two  ( Heth , Pender’s ) 
divisions  had  been  roughly  handled,  and  he  withdrew  them  to  Seminary 
Ridge,  as  General  Rodes’  division  entered  the  town.  Ewell’s  absent  divi- 
sion ( Edward  Johnson),  of  four  ( Stewart , Jones,  Walker  and  Nicholls’) 
brigades  was  expected,  but  did  not  arrive  until  dark,  when  the  3rd  and 
12th  corps  of  the  Union  Army  was  arriving.  In  fact,  an  assault  by  the 
Confederates  was  not  practicable  before  7 : 30  P.M.,  and  after  that  the 
position  was  perfectly  secure.  For  the  first  time  that  day  the  Federals 
had  advantage  of  position  and  sufficient  troops  and  artillery  to  occupy  it, 
and  Ewell  would  not  have  been  justified  in  attacking  without  the  positive 
orders  from  General  Lee,  who  then  wisely  abstained  from  giving  them.  * * * 

A Comparison. — The  hard  fighting  of  this  clay  is  measured  by  that  best  test,  the 
casualty  list  strikingly  alike  on  both  sides,  in  spite  of  the  contrast  of  the  numbers 
engaged.  Much  of  the  details  of  this  kind  will  be  found  in  ‘ ‘ Fox ’s  Book  of  Regimental 
Losses.”  The  1st  corps  took  into  action  8,200  and  lost  6,025.  The  11th  corps,  General 
Howard  says,  took  into  action  ‘‘hardly  6,000”  and  lost  3,801.  On  the  Confederate 
side  in  General  Hill’s  corps,  Heth  says  he  took  into  action  7,000  and  lost  2,850, — -and 
Pender  lost  1,690  out  of  4,260  engaged.  Rodes’  division  had  6,207  engaged  and  lost 
2,853.  Early’s  division  having  5,477  engaged,  lost  1,188.  The  1st  corps  of  the  Union 
Army  lost  over  70  per  cent.,  the  11th  over  60  per  cent.  The  1st  (Wadsworth’s)  division 
had  2,300  engaged  and  lost  2,128.  The  2nd  (Robinson’s)  division  had  2,500  engaged 
and  lost  1,667,  while  the  3rd  (Rowley’s)  division  had  2,069  engaged  and  lost  1,748, 
over  80  per  cent.  Biddle’s  brigade  lost  897  out  of  1,287  engaged,  leaving  only  390, 
a fragment  of  a regiment.  Colonel  Wister  reports  that  Stone’s  brigade  lost  825  out  of 
1,300  engaged. 

The  Confederate  report  lays  stress  on  the  severity  of  their  losses.  The  26th 
N.  C.  regiment,  reported  by  the  “War  Department,”  lost  588  out  of  800  engaged, 
One  company  lost  out  of  3 officers  and  84  men,  all  the  officers  and  83  men;  another 
company  of  the  11th  N.  C.  regiment  lost  36  men  out  of  38  engaged. 

The  Confederate  Army  fought  to  win  the  first  day,  but  the  Union  Army  fought 
to  win  the  next  day,  and  the  next,  and  the  final  victory. 


The  Account  Here  Given  of  this  Interesting  Incident  is  Taken  from  an 
Article  by  Capt.  T.  J.  Mackey  of  the  Confederate  Army,  later 
Published  in  McClure’s  Magazine. 

THOUGH  never  a war  was  fought  with  more  earnestness  than  our  own  civil  war 
between  the  North  and  the  South,  never  a war  was.  marked  by  more  deeds  of 
noble  kindness  between  men,  officers  and  privates,  of  the  contending  sides.  Serving 
at  the  front  during  the  entire  war  as  a captain  of  engineers  in  the  Confederate  Army, 
many  such  deeds  came  under  my  own  personal  attention,  and  many  have  been  related  to 
me  by  eye-witnesses.  Here  is  one  especially  worthy  of  record: 

The  advance  of  General  Early’s  line  of  battle  commenced  early  on  the  afternoon  of 
July  1st.  The  brigade  commanded  by  Maj.-Gen.  J.  B.  Gordon,  of  Georgia,  was  among 
those  to  attack  the  Union  right.  The  daring  commander  of  that  corps  occupied  a 
position  so  far  advanced  beyond  the  main  line  of  the  Federal  Army,  that,  while  it 
invited  attack,  it  placed  him  beyond  the  reach  of  ready  support  when  the  crisis  of 
battle  came  to  him  in  the  rush  of  charging  lines  more  extended  than  his  own.  The 
Confederate  advance  was  steady,  and  it  was  bravely  met  by  the  Union  troops,  who 
for  the  first  time  found  themselves  engaged  in  battle  on  the  soil  of  the  North,  which 
until  then  had  been  virgin  to  the  war.  It  was  “a  far  cry”  from  Richmond  to 
Gettysburg,  yet  Lee  was  in  their  front,  and  they  seemed  resolved  to  welcome  their 
southern  visitors  “with  bloody  hands  to  hospitable  graves.”  But  the  Federal  flank 
rested  in  the  air,  and  being  turned,  the  line  was  badly  broken  and,  despite  a bravely 
resolute  defense  against  the  well-ordered  attack  of  the  Confederate  veterans  was  forced 
to  fall  back. 

General  Gordon’s  brigade  was  in  motion  at  a double-quick  to  seize  and  hold  the 
vantage  ground  in  their  front  from  which  the  opposing  line  had  retreated,  when 
Gordon  saw  laying  directly  in  his  path  the  apparently  dead  body  of  a Union  officer. 
He  checked  his  horse,  and  then  observed  that  the  officer  was  still  living.  He  at  once 
dismounted,  and  seeing  the  head  of  his  wounded  foeman  was  lying  in  a depression  in 
the  ground,  placed  under  it  a nearby  knapsack.  While  raising  him  at  the  shoulder  for 
that  purpose,  he  saw  that  the  blood  was  trickling  from  a bullet-hole  in  the  back,  and 
then  knew  that  the  officer  had  been  shot  through  the  breast.  He  then  gave  him  a 
drink  from  a flask  of  brandy  and  water,  and,  as  the  man  revived,  said,  while  leaning 
over  him,  ‘ ‘ I am  very  sorry  to  see  you  in  this  condition.  I am  General  Gordon. 
Please  tell  me  who  you  are,  I wish  to  aid  you  all  I can.  ’ ’ 

The  answer  came  in  feeble  tones:  “Thank  you,  General,  I am  Brigadier-General 
Barlow  of  New  York.  You  can  do  nothing  for  me;  I am  dying.”  Then,  after  a 
pause  he  said,  “Yes  you  can;  my  wife  is  at  either  the  headquarters  of  General 

52 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


53 


Howard,  or  Meade.  If  you  survive  the  battle,  please  let  her  know  I died  doing  my 
duty.  ’ ’ 

General  Gordon  replied:  “Your  message,  if  I live,  shall  surely  be  given  to  your 
wife.  Can  I do  nothing  more  for  you!”  After  a brief  pause.  General  Barlow  re- 
sponded: “May  God  bless  you,  only  one  thing  more.  Feel  in  the  breast  pocket  of  my 
coat,  the  left  breast  and  take  out  a pack  of  letters.”  As  General  Gordon  unbuttoned 
the  blood-soaked  coat  and  took  out  the  packet,  the  seemingly  dying  soldier  said : ‘ ‘ Now 
please  read  one  to  me.  They  are  from  my  wife,  and  I wish  that  her  words  shall  be 
the  last  I hear  in  this  world. 

Besting  on  one  knee  at  his  side,  General  Gordon,  in  clear  tones  but  with  tearful 
eyes,  read  the  letter.  It  was  the  missive  of  a noble  woman  to  her  worthy  husband 
whom  she  knew  to  be  in  daily  peril  of  his  life,  and  with  pious  ferver  breathed  a prayer 
for  his  safety,  and  commended  him  to  the  care  of  the  god  of  battles.  As  the  reading 
of  the  letter  ended.  General  Barlow  said:  “Thank  you,  General.  Now  please  tear 
them  all  up.  I would  not  have  them  read  by  others.” 

General  Gordon  tore  them  into  fragments  and  scattered  them  on  the  field,  “Shot- 
sown  and  bladed  thick  with  steel.  ’ ’ Then  pressing  General  Barlow ’s  hand,  General 
Gordon  bade  him  good-bye  and  mounting  his  horse  quickly  joined  his  command.  He 
hastily  penned  a note  resting  on  the  pommel  of  his  saddle,  giving  General  Barlow ’s 
message  to  his  wife,  stated  that  he  was  still  living,  though  seriously  wounded,  and 
informing  her  where  he  lay.  Addressing  the  note  to  Mrs.  General  Barlow,  at  Meade’s 
headquarters,  he  handed  it  to  one  of  his  staff,  told  him  to  place  a white  handkerchief 
upon  his  sword,  and  ride  in  a gallop  toward  the  Union  line  and  deliver  the  note  to 
Mrs.  Barlow.  The  officer  promptly  obeyed  the  order.  He  was  not  fired  upon,  and  on 
being  met  by  a Union  officer  who  advanced  to  learn  his  business,  he  presented  the 
note,  which  was  received  and  read,  with  the  assurance  that  it  should  be  delivered 
instantly. 

Let  us  turn  from  Gettysburg  to  the  capital  “Washington,”  where,  eleven  years 
later  General  Gordon  held  with  honor,  a seat  as  senator  of  the  United  States,  and  was 
present  at  a dinner  party  given  by  O.  B.  Potter,  a representative  in  Congress  from  the 
State  of  New  York. 

Upon  Mr.  Potter  introducing  to  him  a gentleman  with  the  title  of  General  Barlow, 
General  Gordon  remarked:  “Are  you  a relative  of  the  General  Barlow,  a gallant 
soldier  who  was  killed  at  Gettysburg?”  The  answer  was:  “I  am  that  General 
Barlow  who  was  killed  at  Gettysburg,  and  you  are  the  General  Gordon  who  succored 
me ! ’ ’ The  meeting  was  worthy  of  two  such  brave  men — every  inch  American 
soldiers.  * * * 

I should  add  that,  on  receiving  General  Gordon’s  note  which  had  been  speedily 
delivered,  Mrs.  Barlow  hastened  to  the  field,  though  not  without  danger  to  her  person 
for  the  battle  was  still  in  progress.  She  soon  found  her  husband  and  had  him  borne 
to  a near-by  farm-house  where  he  could  receive  surgical  attendance.  Through  her  de- 
voted ministration  he  was  enabled  to  resume  the  command  of  the  ‘ ‘ Excelsior  Brigade,  ’ ’ 
and  add  to  the  splendid  reputation  which  it  achieved  under  General  Sickles,  its  first 
commander. 

At  the  first  reunion  of  the  “Blue  and  Gray,”  held  at  Gettysburg  July  1st,  1888, 
General  Gordon,  then  the  governor  of  the  State  of  Georgia,  and  General  Barlow,  a 
prominent  attorney  of  New  York  City,  met  upon  the  same  spot  where  they  first  met  in 
battle.  * * * 

Movement  of  the  Troops  Not  Engaged  in  Battle  July  1st. 

Confederate  Army. — Early  in  the  morning,  July  1st,  Anderson’s  division  marched 
from  the  vicinity  of  Feyetteville  to  Cashtown,  in  pursuance  of  orders  received  on  the 
previous  day.  At  the  latter  place  General  Anderson  heard  the  artillery  of  Eeth’s 
morning  attack,  and  an  hour  later  received  orders  from  General  Hill  to  move  to 
Gettysburg,  reaching  the  field  in  the  afternoon,  shortly  after  General  Pender’s  division 
moved  to  attack  and  remained  in  reserve  until  the  close  of  the  day. 


54 


TIIE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


McLaw’s  and  Hood’s  divisions,  followed  Anderson  through,  the  mountain  gaps, 
their  advance  was  so  delayed  by  Ewell’s  wagons  that  they  bivouacked  that  night  near 
Marsh  Creek  bridge  on  the  Chambersburg  road  (see  page  2).  General  Hood  left  one 
brigade  (Law’s)  on  picket  duty  at  New  Guilford,  which  did  not  join  the  division  until 
noon  July  2nd. 

On  July  1st,  General  Stuart  with  the  brigades  of  Fitzliugh  Lee  and  Chambliss 
marched  from  Dover  to  Carlisle,  where  he  captured  General  Smith’s  forces  and  burned 
the  government  barracks,  “where  the  Indian  Industrial  School  now  stands.’’*  General 
Hampton  with  his  brigade  stopped  at  Dillsburg,  during  that  night  Stuart  received 
orders  to  move  on  Gettysburg. 

Robertson’s  brigade  and  three  regiments  of  Jones’  brigade,  reached  Chambersburg 
on  the  evening  of  July  2nd,  and  bivouacked  on  the  road  to  Cashtown;  on  the  following 
day  they  marched  through  Cashtown  to  Fairfield. t 

hnboden’s  brigade  reached  Chambersburg  on  the  evening  of  July  1st  and  relieved. 
General  PicLett’s  infantry  division;  the  following  morning  Imboden  started  for 
Gettysburg  with  the  trains. 

General  Lee  first  heard  the  guns  at  Gettysburg  as  he  rode  toward  Cashtown  at  the 
head  of  Hill’s  corps  on  the  morning  of  July  1st,  but  remained  in  the  vicinity  of  Cash- 
town,  reaching  the  field  about  4:  30  P.M 

Union  Army. — General  Meade  was  at  Taneytown,  on  July  1st,  and  received  his  first 
information  of  the  battle  about  1:  00  P.M.,  when  he  learned  of  the  death  of  General 
Reynolds.  At  this  time  the  2nd  corps  was  also  at  Taneytown,  and  he  was  explaining 
his  proposed  position  at  Pipe  Creek  to  its  commander,  General  Hancock.  Since  Han- 
cock was  fully  acquainted  with  his  plans  he  at  once  sent  him  to  Gettysburg  to  take 
command  of  the  1st,  3rd  and  11th  corps  and  to  examine  the  site.  If,  under  the  existing 
circumstances,  General  Hancock  found  the  field  a better  one  he  was  to  notify  General 
Meade,  who  would  order  up  the  remaining  troops.  Hancock  proceeded  to  Gettysburg, 
arriving  about  the  time  the  Union  forces  were  falling  back.  He  at  once  established 
a new  line  along  the  crest  of  Cemetery  Hill  (see  page  87). 

About  6:30  P.M.,  he  sent  a written  message  to  Meade,  in  which  he  reported 
General  Slocum  coming  up  with  the  12th  corps  and  probably  General  Sickles  with  his 
3rd  corps.  He  stated  that  the  ground  appeared  to  him  not  unfavorable  for  a battle 
with  good  troops.  Upon  the  receipt  of  this  communication,  Meade  decided  to  con- 
centrate at  Gettysburg,  toward  which  point  many  of  his  troops  were  already  marching. 

The  2nd  corps  started  toward  Gettysburg  that  afternoon  on  the  Taneytown  road, 
to  protect  the  right  flank  of  the  1st  corps  should  it  retreat  to  Emmitsburg.  This  corps 
reached  a point  three  miles  south  of  Gettysburg  after  dark  and  there  bivouacked  for 
the  night.  The  3rd  corps  was  ordered  to  the  front  on  the  afternoon  of  July  1st  by 
General  Howard.  This  order  was  modified  by  General  Meade,  who  directed  that  a 
brigade  be  left  at  Emmitsburg  to  guard  that  point.  General  Birney  left  De  Trobriand’s 
brigade  and  Winslow’s  battery,  and  with  the  other  two  marched  toward  Gettysburg, 
reaching  the  left  of  the  field  after  dark.  General  Humphrey  also  left  Burling ’s  brigade 
and  Smith’s  battery,  at  the  same  place  and  with  the  other  two  marched  on  a parallel 
road  to  the  westward  which  entered  the  Emmitsburg  road  at  the  Peach  Orchard.  Being 
led  astray  by  his  guide,  did  not  reach  the  field  until  1 : 00  A.M.  July  2nd.  As  soon  as 
Meade  decided  on  the  concentration,  he  ordered  the  two  brigades  left  at  Emmitsburg 
to  join  their  commands.  They  reached  the  field  at  9:  00  A.M.  July  2nd. 

The  5th  corps,  which  had  reached  Hanover  about  5 : 00  P.M.  July  1st,  had  received 
orders  to  move  to  Gettysburg.  The  1st  and  2nd  divisions  made  a night  march  and 
reached  Bonneauville  at  midnight;  they  were  on  the  march  again  at  4:  00  A.M. 


*General  Stuart  in  the  Official  Report,  Vol.  17,  p.  697,  says  not  a building  was  fired  ex- 
cepting the  U.  S.  cavalry  barracks,  which  was  burned  by  my  orders,  the  place  having  resisted 
my  advance  instead  of  peaceable  surrender. 

tAt  Fairfield  on  the  afternoon  of  July  3rd,  the  6th,  7th  Va.  regiments  of  Jones’  brigade 
attacked  the  6th  U.  S.  cavalry  regiment  of  Merritt’s  brigade.  The  Union  regiment  numbered 
about  400,  and  its  casualties  were  232,  of  whom  184  including  the  commanding  officer  were 
captured.  The  Confederates  lost  60. 


56 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


July  2nd,  and  reached  the  enemy’s  position  on  the  Hanover  road  (see  page  126)  at  7:  00 
A.M.  The  3rd  division  joined  the  others  about  noon.  That  afternoon,  Meade  ordered 
the  6th  corps  to  march  straight  to  Gettysburg.  They  made  a forced  night  march  and 
reached  the  field  between  4:  00  and  6:  00  P.  M.  July  2nd,  by  the  Baltimore  road. 

The  12th  corps  reached  Two  Taverns  at  11:  00  A.M.,  July  1st,  that  afternoon 
General  Slocum  received  notice  from  General  Howard  that  the  left  wing  of  the  army 
was  heavily  engaged.  At  3:  30  P.M.  he  started  and  reached  the  field  at  5:  00  P.M. 
On  approaching  the  sound  of  the  battle  misdirected  Slocum,  being  anxious  to  reach 
the  field,  quickly  sent  the  1st  division  to  the  Hanover  road  and  threatened  Ewell’s 
left.  It  was  later  bivouacked  near  the  Baltimore  road  east  of  Eock  Creek.  The  2nd 
division  crossed  the  creek  and  bivouacked  near  Eound  Top. 

On  the  morning  of  July  2nd,  Buford,  with  the  brigades  of  Gamble  and  Devin,  was 
ordered  to  Taney  town  to  collect  the  trains  and  take  them  to  Westminster;  General 
Gregg,  with  the  brigades  of  J.  I.  Gregg  and  McIntosh,  reached  the  field  about  noon, 
July  2nd,  and  was  posted  on  the  extreme  right  of  the  line  on  the  Hanover  road. 

General  Kilpatrick’s  cavalry  division  spent  the  1st  and  2nd  of  July  in  recon- 
noitering  the  country  north  of  the  York  road,  and  after  the  encounter  that  evening 
with  Stuart’s  cavalry  ( Jenkin’s  brigade)  near  Hunterstown,  his  division  bivouacked 
near  Two  Taverns. 

General  Meade  remained  at  Taneytown  until  he  had  dispatched  the  final  orders  for 
concentration  to  the  3rd,  5th  and  6th  corps.  He  then  rode  to  Gettysburg  and  reached 
Cemetery  Hill  shortly  after  midnight  July  2nd. 

Resume. 

On  the  morning  of  July  2nd,  General  Lee  had,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Gettys- 
burg, all  of  Ewell’s  and  Hill’s  corps,  and  two  divisions  of  Long  street’s  corps  less  one 
brigade,  or  33  infantry  brigades  in  all.  Of  these  16  had  not  been  engaged  in  the 
battle  of  July  1st.  He  had  also  one  brigade  of  cavalry.* 

At  the  same  time,  General  Meade  had  in  the  vicinity  of  Gettysburg  all  of  the  1st, 
2nd,  11th  and  12th  corps,  four  brigades  of  the  3rd  and  six  brigades  of  the  5th  corps. 

In  all  he  had  39  infantry  brigades;  of  which  11  had  been  engaged  in  the  battle  of 

the  1st  day.  In  addition  he  had  Buford’s  two  cavalry  brigades.  Although  numerically 
stronger  on  paper,  it  is  probable  that  there  was  little  difference  in  the  numerical 
strength  of  the  two  armies. 

At  noon  Law’s  brigade  had  joined  Longstreet’s  corps,  the  two  brigades  left  at 
Emmitsburg  had  joined  the  3rd  corps  and  the  3rd  division  had  joined  its  5th  corps; 

Lee,  therefore,  had  34  brigades,  and  Meade  had  43.  During  this  morning,  Gregg’s  two 

cavalry  brigades,  and  the  reserve  artillery  of  the  Union  Army  arrived,  but  Buford ’s 
two  brigades  marched  to  Taneytown.  About  4:  00  P.M.  the  6th  corps  began  to  arrive 
and  at  dark  all  the  infantry  of  both  armies  was  on  or  near  the  field. 


*In  his  report  of  the  battle  July  2nd,  General  Lee  says:  “It  had  not  been  intended  to  fight 
a general  battle  at  such  a distance  from  our  base,  unless  attacked  by  the  enemy,  but  finding 
ourselves  unexpectedly  confronted  by  tne  Federal  Army,  it  became  a matter  of  difficulty  to 
withdraw  through  the  mountains  with  our  large  trains.  At  the  same  time  the  country  was 
unfavorable  for  collecting  supplies  while  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy’s  main  body,  as  he  was 
enabled  to  restrain  our  toraging  parties  by  occupying  the  passes  of  the  mountains  with  regular 
and  local  troops.  A battle  thus  became,  in  a measure,  unavoidable.  Encouraged  by  the 
successful  issue  of  the  engagement  of  the  first  day  and  in  view  of  the  valuable  results  that 
would  ensue  from  the  defeat  of  the  army  of  General  Meade,  it  was  thought  advisable  to  renew 
the  attack.  The  remainder  of  Ewell's  and  Hill’s  corps  having  arrived  and  two  divisions  of 
Longstreet’s,  our  preparations  were  made  accordingly. 


The  Hero  of  Gettysburg. 

AT  the  commencement  of  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg  July  1st,  1863,  John  L.  Burns,  a 
citizen  of  that  place,  inspired  by  the  spirit  of  true  patriotism,  shouldered  his  rille 
and  went  out  to  meet  the  enemy,  who  were  then  advancing  towards  Gettysburg,  and 
within  a short  distance  of  the  town. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  engagement  he  was  wounded  twice,  and,  although  suffering 
greatly  from  Iiis  wounds  he  faltered  not,  but  pressed  on,  taking  an  active  part  until 
4:  00  P.M.,  when  he  fell  badly  wounded  in  the  ankle.  Soon  after  his  fall  the  loyal 
army  retreated,  leaving  him  upon  the  field,  in  the  enemy’s  line,  where  he  remained 
until  the  following  morning. 

John  Burns  was  for  many  years  the  borough  constable  of  Gettysburg,  and  was* 
very  strong-willed  and  positive.  He  died  February  4th,  1872,  and  was  buried  in  Ever- 
green Cemetery. 


In  his  official  report,  General  Doubleday  says:  “My  thanks  are  specially  due  to 
a citizen  of  Gettysburg  named  John  Burns,  who  although  over  seventy  years  of  age, 
shouldered  his  musket  and  offered  his  services  to  Colonel  Wister,  150th  Penna.  Vol. 
Colonel  Wister  advised  him  to  fight  in  the  woods,  as  there  was  more  shelter  there;  but 
he  preferred  to  join  our  line  of  skirmishers  in  the  open  fields.  When  our  troops 


retired  he  fought  with  the  Iron  Brigade.  ’ ’ 

Just  where  the  tide  of  battle  turns, 

Erect  and  lonely,  stood  old  John  Burns. 

How  do  you  think  the  man  was  dressed? 

He  wore  an  ancient  long  buff  vest, 

Yellow  as  saffron — but  his  best; 

And  buttoned  over  his  manly  breast 

Was  a bright  blue  coat,  with  a rolling  collar, 

And  large  gilt  buttons — size  of  a dollar — 

With  tails  the  country-folk  called  “swaller.” 
He  wore  a broad-brimmed  bell-crowned  hat. 
White  as  the  locks  on  which  it  sat. 

Close  at  his  elbows  all  that  day. 

Veterans  of  the  Peninsula, 

Sunburnt  and  bearded,  charged  away ; 

And  striplings,  downy  of  lip  and  chin — 

Clerks  that  the  Home  Guard  mustered  in — 
Glanced,  as  they  passed,  at  the  hat  he  wore, 
Then  at  the  rifle  his  right  hand  bore  ; 

And  hailed  him,  from  out  their  youthful  lore, 
With  scraps  of  a slangy  repertoire. 


’Twas  but  a moment  for  that  respect 
Which  clothes  all  courage  their  voices  checked 
And  something  the  wildest  could  understand, 
Spake  in  the  old  man's  strong  right  hand, 
And  his  corded  throat  and  the  lurking  frown 
Of  his  eyebrows  under  his  old  bell-crown  ; 
Until,  as  they  gazed,  there  crept  an  awe 
Through  the  ranks  in  whispers,  and  some 
men  «aw 

In  the  antique  vestments  and  long  black  hair, 
The  Past  of  the  Nation  in  battle  there ; 

And  some  of  the  soldiers  since  declare. 

That  the  gleam  of  his  old  white  hat  afar, 
Like  the  crested  plume  of  the  brave  Navarre, 
That  day  was  their  oriflamme  of  war. 

That  is  the  story  of  Old  John  Burns  ; 

This  is  the  moral  the  reader  learns  : 

In  fighting  the  battle,  the  question’s  whether 
You’ll  show  a hat  that’s  white,  or  a feather. 


57 


Battlefield  of  July  2nd  and  3rd 

THE  field  occupied  by  the  opposing  troops  on  these  days,  lies  south  of 
the  Fairfield  and  Hanover  roads.  Its  western  limit  is  Willoughby 
Run;  the  eastern,  the  wooded  ridge  which  passes  through  Wolf  Hill, 
and  crosses  the  Hanover  road  about  a mile  east  of  Rock  Creek.  The  field  is 
traversed  by  three  of  the  highways  over  which  the  Union  Army  reached 
the  field ; the  Emmitsburg,  Taneytown  and  Baltimore  roads.  These  are 
connected  by  various  cross  roads,  the  principal  of  which  is  the  Wheatfield 
road,  running  from  the  Peach  Orchard,  on  the  Emmitsburg  road,  east- 
ward to  near  the  bridge  over  Rock  Creek,  on  the  Baltimore  road.  From 
the  Peach  Orchard  the  road  runs  westward  to  Willoughby  Run,  Avhence 
a branch  road  runs  to  the  Black  Horse  Tavern  on  the  Fairfield  road. 
The  field  is  traversed  by  various  ridges  which  separate  the  watersheds  of 
Rock  Creek,  AVilloughby  Run  and  their  various  tributaries. 

The  principal  of  these  ridges  are  Cemetery,  Emmitsburg  Road, 
Seminary  and  Schneider’s  Ridges,  East  Cemetery  and  Culp’s  Hill, 
thence  parallel  to  the  Baltimore  road  to  Spangler’s  Spring.  Each  of  these 
hills  command  the  field  to  the  north  by  about  100  feet.  The  lowest  point- 
of  the  connecting  ridge  is  about  50  feet  lower  than  the  summit  of  the  hills. 
From  Culp’s  Hill  the  crest  of  the  ridge  slopes  gradually  downward  to 
Spangler’s  Spring,  where  the  ridge  terminates.  Culp’s  Hill  and  the 
ridge  to  the  south  was  covered  by  a thick  growth  of  timber  and  was  strewn 
thick  with  boulders.  In  rear  of  Culp’s  Hill  is  a valley  followed  by  the 
Baltimore  road.  This  valley  and  the  ridge  south  of  Culp’s  Hill  is  com- 
manded by  Power’s  Hill  in  the  angle  between  the  Baltimore  and  Taney- 
town roads. 

Cemetery  Ridge,  now  followed  by  Hancock,  Sedgwick  and  Sykes 
Avenue,  runs  southward  from  Cemetery  Hill  to  Round  Tops.  From 
Cemetery'  Hell,  as  far  southward  as  the  intersection  of  Plum  Run,  and 
the  Emmitsburg  road  near  the  Codori’s  House,  this  ridge  is  very  clearly 
defined  and  commands  all  the  ground  to  Seminary  Ridge  on  its  west. 
From  this  point  southward,  as  far  as  the  Round  Tops,  it  is  broken,  wooded 
and  the  field  of  view  is  limited  by  the  ridge  followed  by  the  Emmitsburg 
road.  Big  Round  Top  is  the  most  conspicuous  elevation  in  the  vicinity  of 
Gettysburg;  it  is  a conical  peak,  covered  with  thick  growth  of  timber 
and  innumerable  boulders  which  rises  150  feet  higher  than  Cemetery  Hill. 
Little  Round  Top  is  a rocky  hill  separated  from  Big  Round  Top  by  a 
wooded  depression  about  40  feet  lower  than  Big  Round  Top.  From  the 
latter  hill,  the  view  is  limited  only  by  Seminary  and  Schneider’s  ridges. 
At  the  time  of  the  battle  the  slope  in  front  of  Little  Round  Top  was 
cleared  of  heavy  timber. 


58 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


59 


Schneider’s  Ridge  is  the  prolongation  of  the  ridge  east  of  Willoughby 
Run.  It  crosses  the  Emmitsburg  road  about  three-quarters  of  a mile 
south  of  the  Peach  Orchard.  Seminary  Ridge,  south  of  the  Chambers- 
burg  road,  is  a prolongation  of  the  same  ridge.  It  runs  nearly  parallel  to 
the  Emmitsburg  road  and  Cemetery  Ridge  until  it  intersects  Schneider’s 
Ridge.  Seminary  and  Schneider’s  Ridges,  are  now  followed  by  Western 
Confederate  Avenue. 

The  Emmitsburg  Road  Ridge  begins  just  west  of  the  Codori’s  House 
and  terminates  near  the  intersection  of  the  Emmitsburg-Wheatfield 
roads.  It  is  followed  by  Sickles  Avenue.  Devil’s  Den  is  a cluster  of 
large  boulders,  west  of  Plum  Run,  in  front  of  Round  Tops.  The  Loop  is 
a rocky  salient  of  the  ridge  between  Devil’s  Den  and  the  Peach  Orchard. 
The  Wheatfield  is  an  open  field  almost  surrounded  by  woods  which  lies 
behind  the  line  (northeast)  connecting  Devil’s  Den  and  the  Loop. 

Brinkerhoff’s  Ridge,  east  of  Rock  Creek,  is  a ridge  extending  from 
Rock  Creek  across  the  Hanover  road;  Wolf  Hill  on  this  ridge,  is  about 
25  feet  higher  than  Culp’s  Hill.  In  the  angle  south  of  the  Hanover  road, 
east  of  Rock  Creek  is  Benner’s  Hill,  whose  elevation  is  50  feet  less  than 
Culp’s  Hill. 

At  the  time  of  the  battle,  Wolf  Hill,  Culp’s  Hill,  Big  Round  Top, 
and  nearly  all  the  ground  in  front  of  Big  Round  Top,  Devil’s  Den  and  the 
Loop  were  covered  with  trees  and  undergrowth.  Plum  Run  is  a branch 
of  Rock  Creek,  whose  valley  (Valley  of  Death)  separates  Devil’s  Den 
from  the  Round  Tops,  a branch  valley  also  separates  Devil’s  Den  and  the 
Loop  from  the  Emmitsburg  road.  Pitzer’s  Run  is  a small  branch  of 
Willoughby  Run,  which  is  nearly  parallel  to  Seminary  Ridge,  and  has 
two  small  dry  branches  which  intersects  this  ridge. 


Federal  Position  on  the  Morning  of  July  2d 

AFTER  General  Meade  arrived  he  established  his  headquarters  near 
the  Cemetery  on  the  Taney  town  road  (see  page  38),  and  he  at  once 
proceeded  to  study  the  position  and  decided  on  the  proper  disposi- 
tion of  the  troops. 

General  Howard,  with  the  11th  corps,  was  left  in  its  position  of  the 
previous  evening.  Its  artillery  was  on  the  crest  of  Cemetery  Hill,  and 
its  infantry,  on  the  slope  in  advance ; one  division  was  on  the  Taneytown 
road ; one  between  the  Taneytown  and  Baltimore  roads ; and  the  other 
east  of  the  Baltimore  road. 

The  1st,  General  Newton’s  corps,*  had  one  division  on  the  right  of 
the  11th  corps  extending  the  line  to  the  summit  of  Culp’s  Hill;  one 
division  on  the  left  of  the  lltli  corps  at  Ziegler’s  Grove;  the  other  formed 
a reserve  in  rear  of  the  11th  corps. 

The  2nd  division  of  the  12th  corps,  being  relieved  by  the  3rd  corps, 
was  marched  from  the  vicinity  of  Little  Round  Top  to  Culp’s  Hill,  and 
there  put  in  position  on  the  right  of  Wadsworth’s  division  of  the  1st  corps. 
Its  line  extended  from  the  summit  of  the  hill  southeast  to  Spangler’s 
Spring  (see  page  66),  two  brigades  being  in  the  first  line  and  one  in  the 
second.  The  1st  division,  being  relieved  on  the  east  side  of  Rock  Creek 
by  the  5th  corps,  was  posted  on  the  right  of  the  2nd  division,  extending 
the  line  along  the  Creek ; one  brigade  was  to  the  left  and  at  Spangler ’s 
Spring ; the  others  to  the  rear  and  right.  Knapp ’s  battery,  five  guns,  was 
placed  on  Culp’s  Hill  in  the  afternoon  of  t^at  day. 

The  1st  and  2nd  divisions  of  the  5th  corps  arrived  by  the  Hanover 
road  at  about  7 : 00  A.M.,  and  remained  east  of  Rock  Creek  until  General 
Gregg ’s  cavalry  division  arrived  in  that  vicinity  about  noon ; these  two 
divisions  now  joined  by  the  third,  took  post  as  a reserve  on  the  west  bank 
of  Rock  Creek,  where  the  roads  fork  to  Cemetery  Hill  and  Round  Top. 

The  2nd  corps  marched  to  the  field  early  in  the  morning,  and  was 
posted  on  the  left  of  the  11th  corps,  extending  the  line  toward  Round  Top; 
the  3rd  division  on  the  right ; the  2nd  in  the  center,  and  the  1st  on  the 
left.  Each  division  had  a brigade  in  the  second  line.  The  corps  artillery 
was  placed  in  the  intervals  between  the  brigades  of  the  first  line. 

In  the  morning  the  3rd  corps  was  bivouacked  in  mass  along  the  Taney- 
town road,  north  of  Little  Round  Top.  Being  ordered  to  relieve  the  2nd 
division  of  the  12th  corps  and  extend  the  line  of  the  2nd  corps  southward ; 
the  1st  division  was  extended  to  Little  Round  Top.  About  noon  the  2nd 
division  was  moved  to  a line  in  front  of  Plum  Run,  and  deployed  in  three 

‘Major-General  Reynolds  of  the  1st  corps  was  killed  July  1st,  while  in  command  of  the 
left  wing  of  the  Union  Army;  General  Doubleday  commanded  the  corps  July  1st,  and  General 
Newton,  who  was  assigned  to  that  command,  superseded  him  July  2nd. 

60 


62 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


lines.  The  left  of  the  corps  now  extended  from  Little  Round  Top,  to  a point 
in  front  of  the  2nd  corps.  The  picket  line  of  this  corps  was  along  the 

Emmitsburg  road. 

The  6th  corps  did  not  reach 
the  field  during  that  morning. 

Confederate  Position. — 
Because  of  the  absence  of  his 
cavalry,  General  Lee  was 
wholly  in  ignorance  as  to  the 
position  of  all  the  Union 
corps,  save  the  1st  and  11th. 
As  the  Union  line  from 
Cemetery  Hill  eastward  ap- 
peared to  be  a strong  one,  on 
the  evening  of  July  1st,  Gen- 
eral Lee  ordered  General 
Eivell  to  move  his  corps  to  the 
right,  if  it  could  not  be  used 
to  advantage  where  it  was. 
Two  of  Ewell’s  aids  had  how- 
ever been  on  Culp’s  Hill  in 
the  early  evening  and  re- 
ported it  unoccupied;  as  this  hill  was  an  important  tactical  point.  Ewell 
was  allowed  to  remain  to  secure  it.  At  midnight  therefore,  Ewell  directed 
General  Johnson  to  occupy  this  hill  if  he  had  not  already  done  so;  but  the 
latter,  on  sending  out  a reconnoitering  party  found  it  occupied  by  a regi- 
ment (7th  Ind.)  of  the  1st  corps.  While  the  reconnoitering  party  was  out, 
they  captured  a message  from  General  Sykes  to  General  Meade,  saying  that 
he  would  reach  the  field  at  daylight  by  the  Hanover  road.  As  this  would 
bring  the  5th  corps  on  his  flank  and  rear,  Johnson  decided  to  await  further 
orders  before  attacking  Culp’s  Hill. 

General  Ijee’s  plans  on  the  2nd  day  was  to  attack  both  flanks  and  the 
center  at  the  same  time.  He  had  decided  to  make  his  main  attack  with  his 
right  wing,  as  the  ground  here  seemed  favorable  for  offense.  The  main 
attack  was  to  be  made  by  General  Longstreet  with  three  divisions  not  em- 
ployed on  the  preceding  day;  those  of  Hood  and  McLaw’s,  of  his  own  and 
Anderson’s  division  of  General  Hill’s  corps.  As  it  was  too  late  to  move 
Ewell’s  corps  to  their  support  after  the  latter  found  he  could  not  take  Culp’s 
Hill  without  fighting,  Lee  ordered  him  to  make  a demonstration  at  the  time 
of  Long  street’s  attack  and  convert  it  into  a regular  attack  if  possible. 
General  Hill  was  to  occupy  the  center  and  threaten  attack  to  prevent  the 
reinforcement  of  the  wings  of  the  Federal  army. 

In  the  morning,  the  position  of  the  Confederate  Army  was  as  follows : 
East  of  Rock  Creek  with  Johnson’s  division  of  three  ( Stewart , Jones’  and 
Nicholls ’ brigades,  south  of  the  Hanover  road,  and  Gordon  and  Smith’s 
brigades  of  Early’s  division  near  the  York  road.  Between  Rock  Creek  and 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


63 


the  town  were  the  brigades  of  Hays  and  Avery  (Vie  Hoke).  In  the  town 
extending  to  Seminary  Ridge,  were  the  brigades  of  Doles,  Iverson  and 
Ramseur;  to  their  right  and  rear,  along  the  railroad,  were  those  of  Daniel 
and  O’Neal  of  Rodes ’ division.  General  Pender’s  division  was  along  Semi- 
nary Ridge.  Anderson’s  division  was  in  the  rear  at  Willoughby  Run ; Hood 
and  McLaiv’s  divisions  were  near  March  Creek  on  the  Chambersburg  road. 

It  was  General  Lee’s  intention  to  make  the  attack  in  the  morning  as 
early  as  possible,  but  there  were  unavoidable  delays  due  to  the  necessary 
examination  of  the  position  and  the  movement  of  the  troops  into  place. 

Anderson’s  division  was  moved  in  the  morning  (near  noon)  from 
Willoughby  Run,  and  deployed  in  a single  line  along  Seminary  Ridge  south 
of  Pender’s  division,  thus  relieving  Heth’s  division  which  was  moved  back 
to  Willoughby  Run. 

That  morning,  Hood  and  McLaw’s  divisions  of  Longstreet’s  corps,  were 
moved  from  Marsh  Creek  bridge  (see  page  2)  to  a position  near  the  Black 
Horse  Tavern,  but  north  of  the  Fairfield  road.  About  noon  being  joined  by 
Law’s  brigade,*  they  started  to  march  by  a road  running  from  the  above 
tavern  direct  to  Willoughby  Run.  After  moving  for  some  distance  along 
this  road,  it  was  apparent  that  the  column  would  come  in  full  view  of 
Round  Top.  As  it  was  desired  to  have  the  attack  in  the  nature  of  a surprise, 
the  column  was  counter-marched  to  a point  midway  between  the  Fairfield 
and  Chambersburg  roads,  moved  into  the  valley  of  Willoughby  Run,  and 
then  down  the  valley  to  the  right  of  Anderson’s  division.  Here,  the  divisions 
were  deployed  in  line  behind  the  belt  of  woods  which  crowns  Schneider’s 
Ridge.  In  the  front  line  from  right  to  left,  were  the  brigades  of  Law’s, 
Robertson,  Kershaw  and  Barksdale-,  in  the  2nd  line  those  of  Benning,  An- 
derson, Semme,  Wofford.  The  center  of  McLaw’s  division  was  the  road 
leading  to  the  Peach  Orchard ; that  of  Hood,  the  Emmitsburg  road. 
Alexander’s  battalion  of  reserve  artillery  was  in  the  center  of  McLaw’s 
division,  and  Cabell’s  on  the  right.  One-half  of  Anderson’s  divisional  ar- 
tillery was  between  Anderson  and  McLaw’s  divisions.  Two  batteries  of 
Henry’s  battalion  were  on  the  extreme  right  of  the  line.  The  developments 
of  the  troops  for  battle  was  not  completed  until  about  4 : 00  P.M. 

Change  of  Front  of  the  3rd  Corps  July  2nd. 

In  the  morning  all  the  Confederates  visible  in  the  field  were  in  front 
of  the  line  of  the  2nd  to  the  12th  corps.  All  of  Buford’s  cavalry  had  by 
a misunderstanding,  been  sent  away  from  the  left  of  the  line  by  General 
Pleasonton,  a fact  that  General  Meade  was  not  aware  of  until  informed  by 
General  Sickles ; orders  were  at  once  sent  to  have  them  returned.  This 
order  could  not  be  complied  with  however  until  the  following  day.  For 
information  as  to  the  movements  of  the  Confederates  on  the  left,  Meade  had 


*General  Laiv’s  brigade  marched  from  New  Guilford,  29  miles  in  nine  hours,  then  swung 
into  fierce  battle,  without  rest  or  breakfast,  and  fought  till  darkness. 


64 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


to  rely  on  the  signal  station  on  Little  Round  Top.*  “The  first  report  by  the 
signal  station  of  operation  on  the  left  flank  was  made  about  11 : 45  A.M., 
when  Wilcox’s  skirmishers  were  sighted.  At  11 : 55  A.M.,  the  signal  station 
reported  the  3rd  corps  skirmishers  falling  back.  At  1:30  P.M.,  they  re- 
ported a large  force  about  10,000  troops  moving  from  their  left  to  the  right, 
and  at  2 : 10  P.M.,  added  that  they  were  moving  back  toward  the  Chambers- 
burg  road.  This  column  was  evidently  Longstr eel’s  corps  making  its 
counter-march.” — (W.  B.  No.  45,  p.  487.) 

The  flank  movement  of  Longstreet’s  corps  was  discovered  when  his 
skirmishers  appeared  in  the  woods  along  Schneider’s  Ridge  at  about 
3:30  P.M. 

The  ground  occupied  by  the  3rd  corps  was  rough  and  wooded;  to  its 
left  and  front  were  the  woods  extending  from  Devil’s  Den  along  the  further 
side  of  the  Wheatfield,  and  thence  in  a fringe  along  Plum  Run.  It  was 
commanded  by  the  Emmitsburg  road  ridge,  which  limited  the  view  in  this 
direction.  In  front  of  the  above-mentioned  ridge  where  the  3rd  corps 
had  its  skirmish  line,  was  open  country  in  all  directions  as  far  as  Seminary 
and  Schneider’s  Ridges.  Being  impressed  by  the  defects  of  his  position 
and  the  advantage  of  the  Emmitsburg  road  ridge,  General  Sickles  rode  to 
General  Meade’s  headquarters  to  request  Meade  to  examine  the  ground  in 
front  of  the  3rd  corps  himself  or  to  send  General  Butterfield,  his  chief -of-, 
staff. 

Unfortunately,  General  Meade  did  not  anticipate  an  attack  on  his  left 
and  did  not  feel  that  either  he  or  Butterfield  could  go.  However,  at  that 
moment,  General  Hunt,  chief  of  artillery,  came  in  and  he  was  requested 
by  General  Meade  to  accompany  General  Sickles.  It  was  3 : 00  P.M. 
when  the  two  officers  rode  toward  the  Peach  Orchard  to  examine  Sickles’ 
proposed  line.  General  Hunt  was  impressed  by  the  favorable  position  it 
would  give  the  enemy  if  abandoned  to  him,  but  also  by  the  difficulties 
attendant  on  its  occupation  by  the  3rd  corps.  He  also  saw  that  the  right 
flank  of  the  3rd  corps  would  be  in  the  air,  and  that  its  front  would  be 
too  long  for  its  effective  strength.  He  noted  the  woods  on  Schneider’s 
Ridge  in  front  of  the  Peach  Orchard  and  suggested  that  a reconnoitering 
party  be  sent  into  them.  It  was  this  party  that  met  Wilcox’s  brigade 
about  3 : 30  P.M. 

General  Hunt  would  not  take  the  responsibility  of  authorizing  Sickles 
to  move  to  his  proposed  line,  but  said  he  would  report  the  matter  to 
General  Meade.  While  awaiting  the  order  he  hoped  and  expected  to 
receive,  he  advanced  General  Humphrey’s  division  beyond  Plum  Run,  and 
deployed  it  in  three  lines,  one  brigade  in  each. 

As  Anderson’s]  division  was  now  in  force  in  the  woods  in  his  front, 
it  was  apparent  to  Sickles  that  he  must  now  either  occupy  the  Emmitsburg 

*A  Confederate  general,  who  writes:  "The  wretched  signal  station  upon  Little  Round 
Top,  that  day  caused  one  of  our  divisions  to  lose  two  hours,  and  probably  delayed  our  assault 
nearly  that  long  (see  page  66). 

fThe  reader  must  not  confound  Anderson’s  division  of  Hill’s  corps,  with  Anderson’S  brigade 
of  Hood’s  division  of  Longstreet’s  corps. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


65 


road  ridge  at  once  or  abandon  all  hope  of  occupying  it,  as  the  Confederates 
would  soon  drive  back  his  skirmish  line.  Believing  he  would  be  sustained 
in  his  action,  he  therefore  advanced  his  whole  line. 

Ward’s  brigade  of  Birney’s  division  was  advanced  to  Devil’s  Den 
and  the  woods  to  its  right,  and  Smith’s  4th  N.  Y.  battery  was  placed  on 
the  knoll.  De  Trobriand’s  brigade  was  advanced  to  the  Wheatfield  and 
Loop;  Graham’s  brigade  to  the  Peach  Orchard  cross  roads.  As  Birney’s 
line  was  long  he  was  given  Burling ’s  brigade,  of  Humphrey’s  division  as 
a reserve.  The  movement  was  completed  by  advancing  Carr’s  and  Brew- 
ster’s brigades  of  the  same  division  along  the  Emmitsburg  road.  Along 
this  road  were  placed  three  batteries  of  artillery,  and  the  fourth  was  placed 
along  the  Wheatfield  road  east  of  the  cross-roads.  The  general  line  of  the 
3rd  corps  is  now  marked  by  Sickles’  Avenue.  These  troops  had  just 
reached  their  new  position  when  Long  street’s  artillery  appeared  in  their 
front. 

General  Meade  was  not  aware  of  this  movement,  as  General  Hunt  had 
reported  to  him  that  he  advised  Sickles  not  to  move  his  troops  to  this  line 
unless  authorized  by  General  Meade.  A meeting  of  the  corps  commanders 
was  called  on  the  afternoon  of  July  2nd,  in  anticipation  of  the  arrival  of 
General  Sedgwick  with  his  6th  corps.  Meade  had  already  ordered  the  5th 
corps  to  move  to  the  left  of  the  line  to  make  way  for  the  6th  corps.  As 
General  Sickles  approached  Meade’s  headquarters,  General  Longstreet's 
artillery  opened  fire.  He  at  once  returned  to  his  corps  and  was  later 
followed  by  General  Meade.  The  latter  appreciated  the  impossibility  of 
withdrawing  the  3rd  corps  under  fire  and  therefore  confined  himself  to 
reinforcing  it.  General  Sykes  with  his  5th  corps  and  Caldwell’s  division 
of  the  2nd  corps  was  ordered  to  support  Sickles.  When,  about  6 : 00  P.M. 
the  whole  advance  line  gave  way,  he  ordered  up  the  12th  corps ; Hunt  was 
ordered  to  assist  Sickles  with  artillery  and  at  once  sent  forward  Mc- 
Gilvery’s  brigade,  of  which  two  batteries  were  posted  in  the  Peach  Orchard, 
and  two  to  its  left  and  rear  on  the  Wheatfield  road. 

General  Lee,  whose  headquarters  were  near  the  Seminary  buildings 
(see  page  138),  had  not  reconnoitered  the  field  since  morning;  he  was 
under  the  impression  that  the  main  Federal  line  lay  along  the  Emmitsburg 
road.  His  plan  was  therefore  to  form  Longstreet’s  corps  across  this  road 
beyond  the  Union  flank  and  then  sweep  along  the  road.  Although  the 
conditions  were  found  by  Longstreet,  who  had  personal  charge  of  the 
attack  to  differ  somewhat  from  those  upon  which  the  movement  was  based, 
he  did  not  feel  justified  in  changing  the  plans  already  made.  After  the 
preliminary  artillery  attack,  the  brigades  were  to  move  forward  in  echelon 
from  right  to  left  and  then  each  face  to  the  left  and  move  parallel  to  the 
Emmitsburg  road. 


GEN.  WARREN  AT  SIGNAL  STA. 


\7lh  PA.  CAV. 


STATUE  OF  GEN.  WARBEN  ON  UTTLE  BOUND  TOP 


Second  Day’s  Battle,  Thursday,  July  2nd,  1863 


The  Ever-beginning,  Never-ending  Topic  of  Conversation  is  the  Second 
Day’s  Battle  of  Gettysburg. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  DANIEL  E.  SICKLES  VISITS  THE  BATTLEFIELD. 

ENERAL  SICKLES  has  been  criticized  somewhat 
severity  for  the  erroneous  position  taken  by  his  corps 
on  the  second  day  of  the  battle  which  resulted  in  the 
great  slaughter  at  the  Peach  Orchard  and  Wheatfield. 
On  a subsequent  visit  to  Gettysburg  he  gave  the  fol- 
lowing explanation  of  his  action : 

“It  was  quite  early  when  I rode  to  General  Meade’s 
headquarters  for  orders.  The  general  told  me  that  he 
did  not  think  we  would  be  attacked,  as  he  believed  the  enemy  was  in  no 
condition  to  renew  the  fight.  I freely  expressed  to  him  my  belief  that  the 
enemy  would  not  only  force  a battle  at  Gettysburg,  but  would  do  so  soon. 
From  General  Meade’s  conversation,  and  his  manner,  I concluded  he  did 
not  intend  to  fight  a battle  at  Gettysburg  if  he  could  avoid  it.  General 
Butterfield  told  me  that  orders  were  being  then  prepared  for  a change  of 
position  to  Pipe  Creek,  Md.  After  waiting  some  time  for  a decision  as 
to  what  was  to  be  done,  I said  to  General  Meade  that  I should  put  my 
command  in  position  with  a view  to  meet  any  emergency  along  my  front, 
and  at  the  same  time  asked  him  to  send  General  Butterfield  with  me  to 
look  over  the  field  and  inspect  the  position  I had  decided  to  occupy. 
“Butterfield  is  busy,”  said  he,  and  he  suggested  that  I use  my  own  judg- 
ment. I again  replied  that  I should  prefer  to  have  some  one  of  his  staff 
officers  sent  with  me  and  asked  that  General  Hunt  be  sent.  General  Meade 
assented,  and  together  we  rode  away.  Carefully  we  surveyed  the  ground 
in  my  front.  I expressed  the  opinion  that  the  high  ground  running  from 
the  Emmitsburg  road  to  Round  Top  was  the  most  advantageous  position. 
Hunt  agreed  with  me.  “Then  I understand  that  I am  to  take  this  position, 
and  you,  as  General  Meade’s  representative,  so  order.”  “I  do  not  care,” 
said  he,  “to  take  the  responsibility  of  ordering  you  to  take  that  position, 
but  as  soon  as  I can  ride  back  to  Meade’s  headquarters  you  will  receive 
his  order  to  do  so.” 

He  rode  away,  but  before  he  reached  headquarters,  or  1 received  any 
orders  my  danger  became  imminent,  and  I was  forced  to  go  into  line  of 
battle.  Just  after  I had  taken  position  on  the  high  ground  selected,  with 
General  Humphrey’s  division  on  the  right,  and  General  Birney’s  division 
on  the  left,  I received  an  order  from  General  Meade  to  report  at  his 
headquarters.  There  was  vigorous  skirmishing  in  my  front,  I returned 
•word  to  the  General  that  I was  about  to  be  attacked  and  could  not  leave 


67 


68 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


the  field.  It  was  not  long  before  I received  a peremptory  order  to  report 
at  once  at  headquarters,  as  General  Meade  was  going  to  hold  an  important 
conference  of  corps  commanders  (see  page  38).  I sent  for  General  Birney, 
and  put  him  in  command,  then  I rode  rapidly  to  Meade’s  headquarters. 
As  I rode  along  I could  hear  the  increasing  fire  along  the  line,  and  I felt 
very  solicitous  for  my  command.  As  I came  up  to  headquarters  at  a rapid 
gait,  General  Meade  came  out  hurriedly  and  said,  “Don’t  dismount,  don’t 
dismount ! I fear  your  whole  line  is  engaged,  return  to  your  command, 
and  in  a few  moments  I will  join  you  on  the  field.  I rode  back  with  all 
possible  speed,  reaching  my  corps  before  the  enemy  had  made  his  first 
furious  assault.  General  Meade  soon  joined  me,  and  together  we  in- 
spected the  position  I had  taken.  “Isn’t  your  line  too  much  extended?” 
said  he.  “It  is,”  I replied,  “but  I haven’t  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
and  have  a wide  space  to  cover.  Reserves  should  at  once  be  sent  up.  My 
dependence  will  have  to  be  upon  my  artillery  until  support  comes,  and 
I need  more  guns.”  “Send  to  General  Hunt  for  what  guns  you  want,” 
said  he,  and  he  glanced  over  the  slender  line  of  my  infantry  that  stretched 
toward  Round  Top.  Just  before  he  left  I said  to  him:  “Does  my  position 
suit  you?  If  it  does  not,  I will  change  it.”  “No,  no !”  he  replied  quickly; 
“I'll  send  up  the  5th  corps,  and  Hancock  will  give  you  any  other  support 
you  may  require.”* 

He  rode  away,  and  soon  after  the  battle  began.  That  terrific  struggle 
along  the  whole  line,  and  especially  in  the  Peach  Orchard  and  Wheatfield 
on  the  right  and  left  of  my  line,  respectively,  need  not  be  gone  over.  It  is 
matter  of  history  (see  page  42-82).  I sent  to  General  Hunt,  when  Meade 
had  gone,  for  forty  pieces  of  artillery,  which  gave  me  the  guns  to  keep 
up  the  fighting  while  I waited  for  reinforcements.  General  Warren,  who 
was  then  an  engineer  officer,  was  on  Little  Round  Top  sending  urgent 
appeals  to  me  to  send  troops  to  hold  that  important  position.  One  brigade 
(Vincent’s  of  the  5th  corps),  sent  to  me,  was  immediately  dispatched  him. 
As  the  fighting  went  on  and  increased  in  intensity,  I looked  for  the  5th 
corps  again  and  again.  General  Sykes  was  slow,f  and  finding  the  needs 
of  the  hour  growing  greater  and  greater  every  moment,  I sent  to  Hancock 
for  help.  General  Hancock  was  always  prompt  and  generous  and  with 
eager  haste  pushed  forward  his  best  troops  to  the  assistance  of  the  strug- 
gling 3rd  corps.  But  the  moments  I waited  for  reinforcements  that  day 
were  as  long  to  me  as  an  eternity,  and  the  boys  who  wore  the  diamond 


‘General  Meade,  before  the  committee  on  the  conduct  of  the  war,  states:  “I  told  him 
(General  Sickles),  it  was  not  the  position  I had  intended  him  to  take;  that  he  had  advanced 
his  line  beyond  the  support  of  my  army,  and  I was  fearful  he  would  be  attacked  and  lose  the 
artillery  which  he  had  put  so  far  to  the  front,  before  I could  support  it.  General  Sickles 
expressed  regret  that  he  should  have  occupied  a position  which  did  not  meet  with  my  ap- 
proval, he  very  promptly  said  that  he  would  withdraw  his  forces  to  a line  which  I had 
intended  him  to  take.  But  I told  him  I was  fearful  that  the  enemy  would  not  allow  him  to 
withdraw,  and  that  there  was  no  time  for  any  further  change  or  movement.  Before  I had 
finished  that  remark,  the  enemy’s  guns  opened  and  the  action  commenced. 


tGeneral  Doubleday  says  in  his  “Chancellorsville  and  Gettysburg,”  p.  167,  General  Sykes’ 
own  report  is  extremely  difficult  to  follow.  It  does  not  afford  a satisfactory  explanation  of  his 
delay  in  marching  his  troops  (5th  corps)  to  the  assistance  of  the  3rd  corps. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


69 


during  all  this  time  were  obliged  to  stand  the  shock  of  as  furious  an 
assault  as  was  ever  dealt  against  troops  on  any  battlefield  of  modern  times. 
The  struggle  in  that  now  peaceful  Peach  Orchard  was  then  fierce  as  death. 
The  AVheatfield  yonder  was  like  the  wine  press  with  the  dead  and  dying. 
Men  fought  there,  hand-to-hand,  I think,  as  never  they  grappled  before.* 
Onward- and  over  against  each  other  they  bent  again  and  again.  Now  the 
boys  in  blue  would  push  those  in  gray  back  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 
Graham's  and  the  Excelsior  brigade  that  I organized  and  commanded  dur- 
ing the  first  of  the  war  were  in  that  section  of  the  field,  and  hundreds  of 
them  lav  down  to  sleep  under  the  shade  of  the  peach  trees  that  hot  July 
day.  * * * 


*Capt.  Wm.  J.  Patterson,  in  an  address  delivered  at  the  dedication  of  the  62nd  Penna. 
Mon.,  Sept.  11th,  1889,  said  : “At  no  place  was  there  fiercer  or  more  continuous  fighting.  This 
field  had  been  taken  and  retaken,  swaying  back  and  forth  repeatedly  (see  page  82 J.  It  is  fitly 
termed  the  ‘whirlpool  of  death.’  When  the  action  opened  it  was  covered  with  the  plumage  of 
waving  grain,  ready  for  the  harvest,  and  when  twilight  gathered  over  its  surface  the  ripening 
stalks  were  trampled  into  the  earth  and  dyed  with  the  blood  of  the  Blue  and  the  Gray,  and 
when  the  light  of  the  moon  cast  its  gentle  rays  over  this  gory  plain  it  revealed  scores  of  the 
pale,  upturned  faces  of  friends  and  foes,  whose  only  heritage  in  the  glory  of  the  battle  was  a 
soldier’s  grave”  (see  page  87). 


LIEUT.  BAYARD  WILKESON  HOLDING  HIS  BATTERY  TO  ITS  WORK 
IN  AN  EXPOSED  POSITION. 


Note. — “The  death  of  Lieutenant  Wilkeson,  who  commanded  Battery  G,  4th  U.  S.  artillery, 
was  one  of  the  most  heroic  episodes  of  the  fight.  He  was  but  19  years  old,  and  a son  of 
Samuel  Wilkeson,  who,  as  a correspondent  of  the  N.  Y.  Times,  was  at  General  Meade’s  head- 
quarters. Gen.  John  B.  Gordon,  finding  it  impossible  to  advance  his  troops  in  the  face  of  the 
fire  of  Wilkeson’s  battery,  and  realizing  that  if  the  officer  on  the  horse  could  be  disposed  of, 

the  battery  would  not  remain,  directed  two  batteries  of  Jones’  battalion  to  train  their  guns 

upon  him.  Wilkeson  was  brought  to  the  ground,  desperately  wounded,  and  his  horse  killed. 
He  was  carried  to  the  barn  of  the  county  Almshouse  (or  dragged  himself  there — the  account 

differs),  where  he  died  that  night.  Just  before  he  expired,  it  is  said,  he  asked  for  water; 

a canteen  was  handed  to  him ; as  he  took  it  a wounded  Confederate  lying  next  to  him,  begged 
“For  God’s  sake,  give  me  some !”  He  passed  the  canteen  untouched  to  the  man,  who  drank 
every  drop  it  contained.  Wilkeson  smiled  on  the  man,  turned  slightly  and  expired.” 


The  Struggle  for  Round  Top 

BY  E.  M.  LAWS,  MAJOR-GENERAL,  C.  S.  A.  COMMANDING  A BRIGADE 
IN  THE  ASSAULT  ON  LITTLE  ROUND  TOP. 

THE  Confederate  line  of  battle  occupied  a ridge,  partly  wooded,  with 
a valley  intervening  between  it  and  the  heights  held  by  the  Federal 
troops  in  front.  The  position  occupied  by  the  Federal  left  wing  in 
front  of  us  was  fully  disclosed  to  view,  and  it  was  certainly  one  of  the  most 
formidable  it  had  been  the  fortune  of  any  troops  to  confront.  Round  Top 
rose  like  a huge  sentinel  guarding  the  Federal  left  flank,  while  the  spurs 
and  ridges  trending  off  to  the  north  of  it  afforded  unrivaled  position  for 
the  use  of  artillery.  The  puffs  of  smoke  rising  at  intervals  along  the  line 
of  hills,  as  the  Federal  batteries  fired  upon  such  portions  of  our  line  as 
became  exposed  to  view,  clearly  showed  that  these  advantages  had  not 
been  neglected.  The  thick  woods  which  in  great  part  covered  the  sides  of 
Round  Top  and  the  adjacent  hills  concealed  from  view  the  rugged  nature 
of  the  ground,  which  increased  fourfold  the  difficulties  of  the  attack.  How 
far  up  the  slope  of  Round  Top  the  Federal  left  extended  we  could  not 
tell,  as  the  woods  effectually  concealed  from  view  everything  in  that 
quarter. 

Our  order  to  attack — issued  as  soon  as  the  two  divisions  of  General 
Long  street’s  corps  came  into  position  on  the  line  already  described — was, 
that  the  movement  should  begin  on  the  right,  my  brigade  on  that  flank 
leading,  the  other  commanders  taking  it  up  successively  toward  the  left. 
It  was  about  4 : 00  P.M.  on  the  second  day  of  the  battle,  when  we  advanced 
to  the  attack.  The  artillery  on  both  sides  had  been  warmly  engaged  for 
about  15  minutes,  and  continued  to  fire  heavily  until  we  became  engaged 
with  the  Federal  infantry,  when  our  batteries  ceased  firing  to  avoid  injury 
to  our  own  troops,  who  were  then,  for  the  most  part,  concealed  by  the 
woods  about  the  base  of  Round  Top  and  the  spurs  to  the  north  of  it. 
General  Hood  was  severely  wounded  as  we  moved  into  action.  Advancing 
rapidly  across  the  valley  which  separated  the  opposing  lines, — all  the 
time  under  a heavy  fire  from  the  batteries, — our  front  line  struck  the 
Federal  skirmishers  posted  along  the  further  edge  of  the  valley.  Brushing 
these  quickly  away,  we  soon  came  upon  their  first  line  of  battle,  running 
along  the  slopes  of  the  hills  known  as  Devil’s  Den  (see  page  66). 

The  fighting  soon  became  close  and  severe.  Exposed  to  the  artillery 
fire  from  the  heights  in  front  and  on  our  left,  as  well  as  to  the  musketry  of 
the  infantry,  it  required  all  the  courage  and  steadiness  of  the  veterans 
who  composed  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia, — whose  spirit  was  never 
higher  than  then — to  face  the  storm.  Not  one  moment  was  lost.  With 
rapidly  thinning  ranks  the  gray  line  swept  on,  until  the  blue  line  in  front 
wavered,  broke  and  seemed  to  dissolve  in  the  woods  and  rocks  on  the 
mountain  side.  The  advance  continued  steadily,  the  center  of  the  division 

70 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


71 


moving  directly  upon  the  guns  on  the  hill  adjoining  Devil’s  Den  from 
which  we  had  been  suffering  so  severely.  In  order  to  secure  my  right 
flank,  I extended  it  well  up  the  side  of  Round  Top,  and  my  brigade  in 
closing  to  the  right  left  a considerable  interval  between  its  left  and  the 
right  of  the  Texas  brigade  of  General  Robertson.  Into  this  interval  I 
threw  General  Benning’s  Georgia  brigade  which  had  up  to  that  time  occu- 
pied the  second  line.  At  the  same  time,  seeing  a heavy  Federal  force  on 
Robertson’s  left,  and  no  troops  having  come  up  to  extend  our  line  in  that 
direction,  General  Anderson’s  Georgia  brigade,  till  then  also  in  the  second 
line,  was  thrown  out  on  that  flank. 


1 


Thus  disposed,  the  division  continued  to  move  forward,  encountering 
as  it  ascended  the  heights  around  the  battery  on  the  spur  of  Devil’s  Den, 
and  to  the  right  and  left  of  it,  a most  determined  resistance  from  the 
Union  troops,  who  seemed  to  be  continually  reinforced.  The  ground  was 
rough  and  difficult,  broken  by  rocks  and  large  boulders,  which  rendered 
an  orderly  advance  impossible.  Sometimes  the  Federals  would  hold  one 
side  of  a huge  boulder  on  the  slope,  until  the  Confederates  occupied  the 
other.  In  some  cases  my  men,  with  reckless  daring,  mounted  to  the  top 
of  the  large  boulders  in  order  to  get  a better  view,  and  to  deliver  their 
fire  with  greater  effect.  One  of  these,  Sergeant  Barbee,  of  the  Texas  bri- 
gade having  reached  a rock  a little  in  advance  of  the  line,  stood  erect  on 
the  top  of  it,  loading  and  firing  as  coolly  as  if  unconscious  of  danger,  while 
the  air  around  him  was  fairly  swarming  with  bullets.  He  soon  fell  helpless 
from  several  wounds ; but  he  held  his  rock,  lying  upon  the  top  of  it,  until 
the  litter-bearer  carried  him  off. 

In  less  than  an  hour  from  the  time  we  advanced  to  the  attack,  the  hill 
by  Devil’s  Den  was  taken  with  three  pieces  of  artillery.  In  the  meantime 
my  brigade  had  swept  over  the  northern  slope  of  Round  Top,  cleared  it  of 
the  Federals,  and  then  advanced  upon  Little  Round  Top.  While  our 
center  and  right  were  engaged  General  Anderson’s  brigade  on  the  left  was 
subjected  to  great  annoyance  and  loss  by  movements  of  the  Federals  upon 
its  left  flank,  being  frequently  compelled  to  change  the  front  of  the  regi- 
ment on  that  flank  to  repel  attack  from  that  direction. 

Up  to  this  time  I had  seen  nothing  of  General  McLaw’s  division, 
which  was  to  have  extended  our  left  and  to  have  moved  to  the  attack  at  the 
same  time.  I therefore  halted  my  line,  which  had  become  broken  and  dis- 
organized by  the  roughness  of  the  ground  over  which  it  had  been  fighting, 
and  placing  it  in  as  advantageous  a position  for  receiving  any  attack  that 
the  Federals  might  be  disposed  to  make.  I hurried  back  to  the  ridge  from 
which  we  had  originally  advanced.  I found  McLaw’s  division  still  in 
position  there,  his  troops  suffering  considerably  from  a severe  fire  of  ar- 
tillery from  the  opposite  hills.  I was  informed  by  General  Kershaw,  that 
although  he  understood  the  general  instructions  that  the  forward  move- 
ment was  to  be  taken  up  from  the  right,  he  had  not  yet  received  the  order 
to  move  from  his  division  commander.  I pointed  out  the  position  of 
General  Hood’s  division,  and  urged  the  necessity  of  immediate  support  on 


ATTACK.  AT  DEVIL’S  DEN  FIGHTING  ON  LITTLE  ROUND  TOP 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


73 


its  left.  General  Kershaw  requested  me  to  designate  the  point  on  which 
his  right  flank  should  be  directed,  and  promptly  moved  to  attack. 

When  General  Hood's  division  first  attacked,  General  Meade  alarmed 
for  the  safety  of  his  left  wing  and  doubtless  fully  alive  to  the  importance 
of  holding  so  vital  a point  as  Round  Top  and  its  adjacent  spurs,  com- 
menced sending  reinforcements  to  the  threatened  points  (see  page  72). 
We  encountered  some  of  these  in  our  advance,  and  others  were  arriving  as 
McLaiv’s  division  came  up  on  our  left.  In  its  advance  this  division  ex- 
tended from  the  Peach  Orchard  near  the  Emmitsburg  road,  on  its  left,  to 
the  Wheatfield  where  its  right  wing  connected  with  my  left.  As  McLaw’s 
division  advanced,  we  again  moved  forward  on  his  right,  and  the  fighting- 
continued  in  see-saw  style — first  one  side  then  the  other,  gaining  ground  or 
losing  it,  with  small  advantage  to  either  until  dark.  At  the  close  of  the 
engagement,  Hood’s  division  held  the  hill  where  the  three  guns  (Smith’s 
N.  Y.)  battery  had  been  captured,  and  the  ridge  to  its  left — our  right 
extending  across  Devil’s  Den,  and  well  up  on  the  northwestern  slope  of 
Round  Top. 

During  the  night  the  lines  were  strengthened  by  the  construction  of 
a breastwork  of  the  loose  stone  that  abounded  all  along  the  position  occupied 
by  the  troops,  and  the  light  of  the  next  morning  disclosed  the  fact  that  the 
Union  troops  in  front  of  us  had  improved  their  time  in  the  same  way. 
In  fact,  all  through  the  night  we  could  hear  them  at  work  as  the  rock  were 
dropped  in  place,  and  no  doubt  they  could  hear  us  just  as  distinctly,  while 
we  were  engaged  in  the  same  life-preserving  operation. 

Though  the  losses  had  been  severe  on  both  sides,  comparatively  few 
prisoners  had  been  taken.  But  early  in  the  night  in  the  confusion  resulting 
from  the  fight  over  such  rugged  ground,  and  the  darkness  of  the  wooded 
hill-sides,  men  of  both  armies  in  search  of  their  commands  occasionally 
wandered  into  the  opposing  picket -lines  and  were  captured.  Many  of  the 
Federal  wounded  were  left  in  our  lines  on  the  ground  from  which  their 
troops  had  been  forced  back,  and  some  of  ours  remained  in  their  hands  in 
the  most  advanced  position  which  we  had  reached  and  had  been  compelled 
to  abandon.* 

Among  these  latter  was  Colonel  Powell  of  the  5th  Texas  regiment,  who 
was  shot  through  the  body  and  afterwards  died.  Powell  was  a stout  portly 
man,  with  a full  beard,  resembling  in  many  respects  General  Longstreel, 
and  the  first  impression  of  the  captors  was  that  they  had  taken  that  officer. 
Indeed,  it  was  asserted  positively  by  some  of  the  prisoners  we  picked  up 
during  the  night  that  General  Longstreet  was  badly  wounded  and  a 
prisoner  in  their  hands,  and  they  obstinately  refused  to  credit  our  state- 
ment to  the  contrary.  * * * 

*Col.  Joshus  L.  Chamberlain  (of  the  20th  Maine  regiment),  Official  Report  No.  196,  Vol. 
27,  p.  625-626,  says  : “400  prisoners,  two  field  and  several  line  officers,  were  captured  mainly 

from  the  15th  and  47th  Alabama  regiments  ; with  some  of  the  4th  and  5th  Texas ; 150  of  the 
Confederates  were  found  killed  and  wounded  in  our  front.  My  loss  being  136,  of  whom  30 
were  killed,  among  those  were  Captain  Billings,  Lieutenants  Kendall  and  Linscott.  We  went 
into  the  fight  with  386  officers  and  men. 


Longstreet’s  Attack  at  the  Peach  Orchard 
and  Wheatfield 

BY  J.  B.  KERSHAW,  MAJOR-GENERAL  C.  S.  A.,  COMMANDING  A BRIGADE 

AT  GETTYSBURG. 

Mr  BRIGADE,  composed  of  South  Carolinians,  the  2nd,  3rd, 
7th,  8th  and  15th  regiments  of  infantry,  and  the  3rd  S.  C. 
artillery  battalion,  constituted  with  Semme’s,  Wofford’s 
and  Barksdale’ s brigades,  Maj.-Gen.  Lafayette  McLaws 
and  with  the  divisions  of  Pickett  and  Hood  formed  the 
first  corps,  Army  of  Northern  Virginia.  At  about 
4:15  P.  M.  July  2nd,  the  head  of  my  column  emerged  from  the  woods 
into  the  open  field  in  front  of  the  stone  wall  fence  which  extends  along 
the  Flaherty  farm,  and  to  the  east  past  Schneider’s.  Here  we  were  in 
full  view  of  the  Federal  position.  Their  main  line  appeared  to  extend 
from  Little  Round  Top,  where  their  signal  flags  were  flying,  until  it  was 
lost  to  sight  far  away  to  the  left.  An  advanced  line  occupied  the  Peach 
Orchard,  heavily  supported  by  artillery,  and  extended  from  that  point 
toward  our  left  along  the  Emmitsburg  road.  The  intervening  ground  was 
open  fields,  interspersed  and  divided  by  stone  fence.  The  position  just 
here  seemed  almost  impregnable.  I immediately  formed  line  of  battle, 
my  left  resting  about  Flaherty’s  house,  my  right  near  Schneider’s.  This 
was  done  under  cover  of  my  skirmishers,  who  engaged  those  of  the  Union 
troops  near  the  Emmitsburg  road.  In  the  meantime  I examined  the 
position  of  the  Federals  with  some  care.  I found  them  in  superior  force, 
strongly  posted  in  the  Peach  Orchard,  which  blistered  my  artillery  with 
the  main  line  of  battle  in  their  rear,  apparently  intrenched,  and  extended 
to,  if  not  upon  Little  Round  Top,  far  beyond  the  point  to  which  their  left 
had  been  supposed  to  rest.  To  carry  out  my  instructions  would  have  been, 
if  successful  in  driving  the  Union  troops  from  the  Peach  Orchard,  to 
present  my  own  right  flank  and  rear  to  a large  portion  of  the  Union  main 
line  of  battle.  I therefore  placed  my  command  in  position  under  the 
cover  of  the  stone  fence,  and  communicated  the  condition  to  Maj.-Gen. 
McLaws.  The  division  was  then  formed  on  this  line.  Semme’s  brigade, 
supporting  my  brigade  200  yards  in  rear,  with  Wofford’s  brigade  in  rear 
supporting  Barksdale’s  brigade,  Cal) ell’s  artillery  battalion  was  placed 
along  the  stone  fence  on  my  right  and  my  15th  regiment  was  thrown  to 
their  right  to  support  them  on  that  flank. 

In  the  meantime,  General  Hood’s  division  was  moving  on  our  right 
to  gain  the  Union  left  flank.  I was  directed  to  commence  the  attack  as 
soon  as  General  Hood  became  engaged,  swinging  around  toward  the  Peach 

74 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


75 


Orchard,  and  at  the  same  time  establishing  connection  with  Hood’s  division 
and  co-operating  with  him.  It  was  understood  that  he  was  to  sweep  down 
upon  the  Federals  in  a direction  perpendicular  to  our  line  of  battle.  I was 
informed  that  Barksdale  would  move  with  me  and  conform  to  my  move- 
ments; that  Semme  would  follow  me,  and  Wofford  follow  Barksdale. 
These  instructions  I received  in  sundry  messages  from  General  Longstreet 
and  McLaw’s.  In  my  center-front  was  a stone  (Rose’s)  farm-house  and 
barn.  These  buildings  were  about  500  yards  from  our  position  and  on  a 
line  with  the  crest  of  the  Peach  Orchard  hill. 

The  Federal  infantry  was  posted  along  the  front  of  the  orchard,  also 
on  the  face  looking  toward  Rose’s,  six  of  their  batteries  were  in  position 
at  the  orchard  near  the  crest  of  the  hill,  and  the  others  about  200  yards 
in  the  rear,  extending  in  the  direction  of  Little  Round  Top.  Behind  Rose’s 
was  morass,  and,  on  the  right  of  that  a stone  fence  running  parallel  with 
our  line,  some  200  yards  from  Rose’s.  Beyond  the  morass  was  a stony 
hill,  covered  with  timber  and  thick  undergrowth  interspersed  with  rock 
and  large  boulders,  extending  some  distance  toward  the  Federal  main  line. 
Beyond  the  stone  fence,  and  to  the  right  of  the  stony  hill,  was  a dense 
forest  extending  far  to  our  right.  From  the  morass  a small  stream  ran  into 
the  woods.  Looking  down  from  Rose’s,  a large  wheatfield  was  seen.  In 
rear  of  the  wheatfield,  and  between  that  and  Round  Top,  there  was  a large 
force  of  Federals,  posted  in  line  behind  a stone  fence.  I determined  to 
move  upon  the  stony  hill,  so  as  to  strike  it  with  my  center,  and  thus  attack 
the  orchard  on  its  left  rear.  About  4 : 00  P.M.  I received  the  order  to 
move  at  a signal  from  Cabell’s  artillery.  They  were  to  fire  for  some  time, 
then  pause,  and  then  to  fire  three  guns  in  rapid  succession.  At  this  I was 
to  move  without  further  orders.  I communicated  these  instructions  to  the 
commanders  of  each  of  the  regiments  in  my  command,  directing  them  to 
convey  them  to  the  company  officers.  They  were  told,  at  the  signal,  to 
order  the  men  to  leap  the  fence  without  further  orders,  and  to  align  the 
troops  in  front  of  it.  Accordingly,  at  the  signal,  the  men  leaped  over  the 
wall  fence  and  were  promptly  aligned ; the  word  was  given  and  the  brigade 
moved  off  with  great  steadiness  and  precision,  followed  by  Semmes’s  bri- 
gade, with  equal  promptness.  General  Longstreet  accompanied  me  in  this 
advance  on  foot,  as  far  as  the  Emmitshurg  road.  All  the  field  and  staff 
officers  were  dismounted  on  account  of  the  many  obstacles  in  the  way. 
"When  we  were  about  the  Emmitsburg  road,  I heard  General  Barksdale’s 
drums  beat  the  assembly  and  then  knew  that  I should  have  no  immediate 
support  on  my  left,  which  was  about  to  be  squarely  presented  to  the  heavy 
force  of  infantry  and  artillery  at,  and  in  rear  of  the  Peach  Orchard.  The 
2nd  and  8th  regiments  and  3rd  {James)  artillery  battalion,  were  then 
moving  majestically  across  the  field  to  the  left  of  the  lane  leading  to  the 
Rose  buildings.  They  were  ordered  to  charge  to  the  left  and  attack  the 
batteries  in  the  rear  of  the  Peach  Orchard,  and  accordingly  moved  rapidly 
on  that  point. 


76 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


In  order  to  aid  this  attack,  the  direction  of  the  3rd  and  7th  regiments 
was  changed  to  the  left.  After  passing  the  Rose  buildings  the  charge  of 
the  left  wing  was  no  longer  visible  from  my  position ; although  the  move- 
ment was  reported  to  have  been  magnificently  conducted  until  the  can- 
noneers had  left  their  guns,  and  the  caissons  were  moving  off,  when  the 
order  was  given  to  move  by  the  right  flank  by  some  unauthorized  person, 
and  was  immediately  obeyed  by  the  men.  The  Federals  returned  to  their 
guns  and  opened  on  these  doomed  regiments  with  a raking  fire  of  grape 
and  canister,  which  proved  most  disastrous.  Hundreds  of  the  bravest  and 
best  men  of  South  Carolina,  fell  victims  of  this  fatal  blunder.  While  this 
tragedy  was  being  enacted,  the  3rd  and  7th  regiments  were  conducted 
rapidly  to  the  stony  hill  (now  the  Loop).  In  consequence  of  the  obstruc- 
tions in  the  way,  the  7th  regiment  had  lapped  the  3rd  a few  paces,  and 
when  they  reached  the  cover  of  the  stony  hill  I halted  the  line  at  the  edge 
of  the  woods  for  a moment,  and  ordered  the  7th  to  move  by  the  right  flank 
to  uncover  the  3rd  regiment,  which  was  promptly  done.  It  was  no  doubt 
this  movement  observed  by  some  one  from  the  left,  that  led  to  the  terrible 
mistake  which  cost  so  dearly. 

The  moment  the  line  was  rectified  the  3rd  and  7th  regiments  advanced 
into  the  woods,  the  left  of  the  3rd  regiment  swinging  around  and  attacking 
the  batteries  to  the  left  of  that  position,  which,  for  the  reason  already 
stated,  had  resumed  their  fire.  Very  soon  a large  column  moved  in  two 
lines  of  battle  across  the  wheatfield  (see  page  82),  to  attack  my  position 
in  such  a manner  as  to  take  the  7th  regiment  in  flank  on  the  right.  The 
right  wing  of  this  regiment  was  then  thrown  back  to  meet  this  attack. 
I then  hurried  in  person  to  General  Semmes,  then  150  yards  to  my  right 
rear,  and  also  to  bring  forward  my  right  regiment,  the  15th,  which  sep- 
arated from  the  brigade  by  the  artillery  at  the  time  of  the  advance,  was 
cut  off  by  Semmes ’s  brigade.  In  the  act  of  leading  his  regiment,  the 
gallant  and  accomplished  commander,  Col.  W.  G.  de  Saussure,  of  the  15th 
regiment  had  just  fallen  when  I reached  it.  He  fell  some  paces  in  front 
of  the  line,  with  sword  drawn  leading  the  advance. 

General  Semmes  promptly  responded  to  my  call,  and  put  his  brigade 
in  motion  toward  the  right,  preparatory  to  moving  to  the  front.  While  his 
troops  were  moving  he  fell  mortally  wounded.  Returning  to  the  7th  regi- 
ment, I reached  it  just  as  the  advancing  column  of  Federals  had  arrived 
at  a point  some  200  yards  off,  whence  they  poured  into  us  a volley  from 
their  whole  line,  and  then  advanced  to  a charge.  They  were  handsomely 
received  and  entertained  by  this  regiment,  which  long  kept  them  at  bay 
in  their  front.  One  regiment  of  Semmes’ s brigade  came  at  a double-quick 
as  far  as  the  ravine  in  our  rear,  and  checked  the  advance  of  the  Federals. 
There  was  still  an  interval  of  100  yards,  between  this  regiment,  and  the 
right  of  the  7th  and  into  this  the  Federals  were  forcing  their  way,  causing 
my  right  to  swing  back  more  and  more ; still  fighting  at  a distance  not 
exceeding  thirty  paces,  until  the  two  wings  of  the  7th  regiment  were 
nearly  doubled  on  each  other. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


77 


About  this  time,  the  fire  of  the  battery  on  my  left  having  ceased,  I 
sent  for  the  2nd  regiment  to  come  to  the  right.  Before  I could  hear  any- 
thing of  them,  the  Union  troops  had  swung  around  and  lapped  my  whole 
line  at  close  quarters,  and  the  fighting  was  general  and  desperate  and  so 
continued  for  some  time.  These  men  were  brave  veterans  who  fought 
from  Bull  Run  to  Gettysburg,  and  knew  the  strength  of  their  position,  and 
so  held  it  as  long  as  it  was  tenable.  The  7th  regiment  finally  gave  way,  and 
I ordered  Colonel  Aiken  to  re-form  it  at  the  stone  fence  about  the  Rose 
buildings.  I passed  to  the  3rd  regiment,  then  hotly  engaged  on  the  crest 
of  the  hill,  and  gradually  swung  back  its  right  as  the  Federals  made 
progress  around  that  flank.  Semmes’s  advanced  regiment  had  given  way. 
One  of  his  regiments  had  mingled  with  the  3rd,  and  amid  rocks  and  trees, 
within  a few  feet  of  each  other,  these  brave  men,  Blue  and  Gray,  main- 
tained a desperate  conflict.  The  Union  forces  could  make  no  progress  in 
front,  but  slowly  extended  around  my  right.  Separated  from  view  of  my 
left,  of  which  I could  hear  nothing,  all  my  staff  being  with  that  wing,  the 
position  of  the  15th  regiment  being  wholly  unknown,  the  7th  regiment 
having  retreated  and  nothing  being  heard  of  the  other  troops  of  the 
division,  I feared  the  brave  men  around  me  would  be  surrounded  by  the 
large  force  of  Federals  constantly  increasing  in  numbers  and  all  the  while 
gradually  enveloping  us.  In  order  to  avoid  such  a catastrophe,  I ordered 
a retreat  to  the  Rose  buildings,  on  emerging  from  the  woods,  as  I followed 
the  retreat  I saw  General  Wofford  riding  at  the  head  of  his  fine  brigade 
then  coming  in,  his  left  being  in  the  Peach  Orchard  which  was  then  cleared 
of  the  Federals.  His  movement  "was  such  as  to  strike  the  stony  hill  on  the 
left,  and  thus  turn  the  flank  of  the  troops  that  had  driven  us  from  that 
position.  On  his  approach,  the  Union  troops  retreated  across  the  wheat- 
field;  when,  with  the  regiments  of  my  left  wing,  Wofford  attacked  with 
great  effect,  driving  the  Federals  back  near  Little  Round  Top,  I now  ascer- 
tained that  General  Barksdale  had  advanced  upon  the  troops  at  the  Peach 
Orchard;  that  he  had  cleared  that  position  with  the  assistance  of  my  8th 
regiment,  driving  all  before  him,  and  having  advanced  far  beyond  that 
point  until  enveloped  by  superior  forces,  had  fallen  mortally  wounded 
and  left  within  the  Federal  line.  He  had  passed  too  far  to  my  left  to 
afford  me  any  relief  except  in  silencing  the  batteries  that  had  so  cruelly 
punished  my  left.  When  Barksdale  passed  to  my  left,  my  left  regiment 
moved  into  the  woods  on  the  left  of  the  stony  hill,  and  maintained  that 
position  against  great  odds.  When  the  Federals  fell  back  from  the  stony 
hill  on  the  advance  of  Wofford’s  brigade,  the  15th  regiment  and  a portion 
of  Semmes’s  brigade  followed  them  and  joined  Wofford’s  in  his  attack 
upon  the  retreating  columns.  I rallied  the  remainder  of  my  brigade, 
also  that  of  Semmes  at  the  Rose  buildings  and  advanced  with  them  to  the 
support  of  Wofford,  taking  position  at  the  stone  wall  overlooking  the 
forest  to  the  right  of  the  Rose  house,  some  200  yards  in  front.  Finding 
that  Wofford’s  men  were  coming  out,  I retained  them  at  that  point  to 
check  any  attempt  of  the  Federals  to  follow.  It  was  now  near  night-fall 


78 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


and  the  operations  of  the  day  were  over.  That  night  we  occupied  the 
ground  over  which  we  had  fought,  gathered  the  dead  and  wounded,  a long 
list  of  brave  and  efficient  officers  and  men. 

General  Kershaw  further  states  in  his  report  No.  432  Official  Record, 
Vol.  27,  p.  366 : One  company  of  the  2nd  regiment  went  into  action  with 
forty  men,  of  whom  but  four  remained  unhurt  to  bury  their  fallen  com- 
rades, his  loss  exceeded  600,  killed  and  wounded,  about  one-half  of  the 
force  engaged.  * * * 


AN  EXTRACT  PROM  CHAPLAIN  J.  O.  SLOAN’S  REPORT  OP  THE  SCENES 
AFTER  THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG. 

“The  scene  in  Gettysburg,  as  one  went  over  the  field  at  the  close  of  the  three  days’  fighting 
was  a painful  one.  The  dead  and  dying  lay  in  all  directions  (see  page  61).  We  attempt  no 

description  of  that  scene.  I only  wish  to  refer  to  one  of  the  worst  scenes  that  ever  came  under 

my  observation,  the  case  of  John  F.  Chase,  a noble  boy  of  the  Fifth 
Maine  Battery.  His  wounds  and  sufferings  were  almost  incredible,  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  he  lived  through  them  all.  By  the  bursting  of 
a shell  his  right  arm  was  torn  off  and  one  of  his  eyes  blown  out.  He 
received  in  different  parts  of  his  body  48  wounds  from  the  fragments 
of  the  exploded  shell.  He  lay  on  the  field  in  this  condition  two  days 
before  it  was  noticed  that  he  was  alive.  Then  he  was  removed  in  an 
unconscious  condition  to  the  hospital.  After  a week  there  were  some 
hopeful  signs  that  he  might  recover.  Soon  erysipelas  appeared  in  all 
his  wounds.  He  was  indeed  a pitiful  sight.  The  surgeon  said  there 
was  no  hope  for  him  ; that  he  could  live  but  a day  or  two.  He  was 
carried  out  of  the  hospital  and  put  in  a tent  alone,  there  to  die,  it 

was  supposed  by  some  of  his  attendants.  Death  was  not  to  be, 

however,  for  by  Heaven’s  blessing  on  the  perseverance  and  unceas- 
ing attention  of  one  who  had  dedicated  himself  to  the  relief  and  comfort  of  the  suffering 
soldiers,  he  was  in  a few  weeks  able  to  go  about.  After  a few  months  he  had  recovered  suffi- 
ciently to  go  to  his  home  in  Maine.” 

On  fields  of  Gettysburg  there  raged  the  fiercest  battle  flame, 

As  the  “Tigers”  suddenly  upon  our  army  came  ; 

Yet  ere  the  eve  of  day  had  passed,  they  started  up  anew, 

To  try  once  more  their  boldest  charge  to  overwhelm  the  blue. 

For  hours  the  battle  raged  again,  in  fiercest,  deadliest  way ; 

The  blue  were  fighting  mightily  against  three-fold  more  of  gray. 

But  look!  whose  are  those  lightning  guns  that  on  the  hill  I see; 

By  glorious  men  they’re  served  ; ah  ! yes ! it’s  the  Fifth  Maine  Battery. 

But  two  were  left,  who  stood  alone  and  kept  on  firing  fast ; 

Their  streaming  shells  howl  through  the  air,  to  burst  with  deadly  crash. 

Who  are  those  two  superb  heroes,  who  dare  the  foe  to  face, 

Their  names  are  Corporal  Lebroke  and  Private  John  F.  Chase. 


The  Second  Day’s  Battle 

BY  HENR1T  J.  HUNT,  BREVET,  MAJOR-GENERAL,  U.  S.  A. 

JL  S soon  as  Long  street’s  attack  commenced,  General  Warren  was 
sent  by  General  Meade  to  see  to  the  condition  of  the  extreme 
left  the  Union  battle  line.  The  duty  could  not  have  been 
intrusted  to  better  hands.  Passing  along  the  line  he 
found  Little  Round  Top  the  key  of  the  position,  unoc- 
cupied, except  by  a signal  station  (see  page  66).  The 
Confederates  at  the  time  lay  concealed,  awaiting  the  signal  for  assault, 
when  several  shots  in  their  direction  caused  a sudden  movement  on  their 
part,  which  by  the  gleam  of  reflected  sunlight  from  their  bayonets  re- 
vealed their  long  line  out-flanking  the  position.  Fully  comprehending  the 
imminent  danger,  Warren  sent  to  General  Meade  for  a division.  The 
Confederates  were  already  advancing  when,  noticing  the  approach  of  the 
5th  corps,  Warren  rode  to  meet  it,  caused  Vincent’s  and  Weed’s  brigades 
of  infantry,  and  Hazlett’s  battery  D,  5th  U.  S.,  to  be  detached  and  hurried 
them  to  the  summit.  The  passage  of  the  guns  through  the  roadless  woods, 
and  amongst  the  rocks  and  undergrowth  was  marvelous.  Under  ordinary 
circumstances  it  would  have  been  considered  an  impossible  feat,  but  the 
eagerness  of  the  men  to  get  into  action  with  their  comrades  of  the  infantry, 
and  the  skilful  dragging  by  hand  and  rope  brought  them  without  delay  to 
the  very  summit  (see  page  72).  They  were  hardly  in  time,  for  the  Con- 
federates were  also  climbing  the  hill.  A close  and  bloody  hand-to-hand 
struggle  ensued  which  left  both  Round  Tops  in  our  possession.  General 
Weed  was  mortally  wounded  and  while  Lieutenant  Hazlett  was  leaning 
over  his  body  receiving  his  dying  message,  he,  too  was  shot  and  fell  dead 
across  Weed;  Colonel  Vincent  was  also  mortally  wounded — all  young  men 
of  great  promise.  General  Weed  had  served  with  distinction  as  an  artillerist 
in  the  Peninsular,  Second  Bull  Run  and  Antietam  campaigns,  had  become 
chief  of  artillery  of  his  army  corps,  and  at  Chancellorsville,  showed  such 
special  aptitude  for  large  artillery  commands  that  he  was  immediately 
promoted  from  captain  to  brigadier-general  and  transferred  to  the  infantry. 
After  the  fall  of  Hazlett,  Lieutenant  Rittenhouse  efficiently  commanded 
the  battery  during  the  remainder  of  the  battle. 

The  Confederates,  however,  clung  to  the  woods  and  rocks  at  the  base 
of  Round  Top,  carried  Devil’s  Den  and  its  ridge.  The  breaking  in  of 
the  Peach  Orchard  angle  (see  page  42)  exposed  the  flanks  of  the  batteries 
on  its  crest,  which  retired  firing  in  order  to  cover  the  retreat  of  the  in- 
fantry. Many  guns  of  different  batteries  had  to  be  abandoned  because 
of  the  destruction  of  their  horses  and  men;  many  were  hauled  off  by 

79 


80 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


hand;  all  the  batteries  lost  heavily.*  Bigelow’s  9th  Mass,  battery  made  a 
stand  close  by  the  Trosel  farm  buildings  (see  page  61)  ; although  already 
much  cut  up,  he  was  directed  by  Colonel  McGilvery  to  hold  that  position 
at  all  hazards  until  a line  of  artillery  could  be  formed  in  front  of  the 
woods  beyond  Plum  Run;  that  is,  on  what  we  called  the  “Plum  Run  line.” 
This  line  was  formed  by  collecting  the  serviceable  batteries  and  fragments 
of  batteries  that  were  brought  off,  with  Dow’s  Maine  battery  fresh  from 
the  reserve,  formed  a solid  line,  which  supported  by  infantry,  held  this 
part  of  the  field,  and  aided  General  Humphrey’s  movements  and  covered 
by  its  fire  the  abandoned  guns,  until  they  could  be  brought  off,  as  all  were 
except  one. 

When,  after  accomplishing  its  purpose,  all  that  was  left  of  Bigelow’s 
battery  was  withdrawn,  it  was  closely  pressed  by  General  Barksdale’s  21st 
Miss,  regiment  which  succeeded  in  crossing  the  run.  His  men  had  entered 
the  battery  and  fought  hand-to-hand  with  the  cannoneers ; one  was  killed 
while  trying  to  spike  a Union  cannon,  another  knocked  down  with  a hand- 
spike whilst  endeavoring  to  drag  off  a prisoner.  General  Barksdale  was 
killed.  The  battery  went  into  action  with  104  officers  and  men.  Of  the 
four  officers  one  was  killed  and  another  mortally  wounded,  the  third 
Captain  Bigelow,  severely  wounded;  of  7 sergeants,  2 were  killed  and  4 
wounded ; or  a total  of  28  men,  including  2 missing ; and  80  out  of  88 
horses  were  killed  or  wounded.  As  the  battery  had  sacrificed  itself  for  the 
safety  of  the  line,  its  work  is  especially  noticed  as  typical  of  the  service 
that  artillery  is  not  unfrecpiently  called  upon  to  render,  and  did  render  in 
other  instances  at  Gettysburg  besides  this  one. 

After  General  Sickles  was  wounded,  General  Meade  directed  General 
Hancock  to  take  command  of  the  3rd  as  well  as  his  own  corps  during  the 
remainder  of  that  day.  About  7 : 15  P.M.,  the  field  was  in  a critical  con- 
dition. Birney’s  division  was  now  broken  up;  Humphrey’s  division  was 
slowly  falling  back,  under  cover  of  McGilvery ’s  guns.  Anderson’s  line  of 
Confederates  was  advancing.  On  its  right,  Barksdale’s  brigade  except  the 
21st  Miss,  regiment,  was  held  in  check  only  by  McGilvery ’s  artillery,  to 
whose  support  Hancock  now  brought  Willard’s  brigade  of  the  2nd  corps. 
Placing  the  39th  N.  Y.  regiment  in  reserve,  Willard  with  his  other  three 
(111th,  125th  and  126th  N.  Y.)  regiments  charged  Barksdale’s  Confeder- 
ates and  drove  them  back  nearly  to  the  Emmitsburg  road,  when  he  was 
himself  repulsed  by  a heavy  artillery  and  infantry  fire,  and  fell  back  to 
his  former  position  near  the  sources  of  Plum  Run.  In  this  affair,  Col. 
Geo.  L.  Willard  was  killed.  Meanwhile,  the  21st  Miss,  regiment  charged 
and  drove  out  the  men  of  Watson’s  battery  I,  5th  U.  S.,  of  McGilvery ’s  line, 
but  was  in  turn  driven  off  by  the  39th  N.  Y.,  led  by  Lieutenant  Peeples 
of  the  battery,  musket  in  hand,  who  thus  recovered  his  guns,  Watson  being 
wounded. 


♦The  accuracy  on  the  part  of  the  Union  gunners  during  the  fighting  at  the  Peach  Orchard 
July  2nd,  1863,  could  not  be  excelled.  “Clark’s”  Battery  B,  1st  N.  J.,  held  a position  near  the 
Peach  Orchard,  from  2 : 00  until  7:00  P.  M.,  firing  1,300  pounds  of  ammunition,  “with  but  six 
muzzle-loading  guns. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


81 


General  Birney’s  division  once  broken,  it  was  difficult  to  stem  the  tide 
of  defeat.  General  Hood  and  McLaw’s  divisions — except  Barksdale’s  bri- 
gade— compassed  the  Devil’s  Den  and  its  woods,  and  the  Federal  rein- 
forcements from  other  corps  came  piecemeal,  were  beaten  in  detail  until 
by  successive  accretions,  they  greatly  out-numbered  their  opponents,  who 
had  all  the  advantage  of  position,  when  the  latter  in  turn  retired,  but  were 
pursued.  This  fighting  was  confined  almost  wholly  to  the  woods  and  wheat- 
field  (see  page  82),  between  the  Peach  Orchard  and  Round  Tops,  and  a 
great  number  of  brigades  and  regimental  commanders,  as  well  as  inferior 
officers  and  soldiers,  were  killed  and  wounded  on  both  sides,  bears  testi- 
mony to  its  close  and  desperate  character.  General  Meade  was  on  that 
part  of  the  field,  active  in  bringing  up  and  putting  in  reinforcements.  At 
the  close  of  the  day  the  Federals  held  Round  Tops,  the  Plum  Run  line  and 
Cemetery  Ridge.  During  the  night  the  Plum  Run  line  was  occupied  by 
McCandless’  brigade  of  General  Crawford’s  division  of  Penna.  reserves 
and  buck-tail  troops.* 

When  Longstreet’s  guns  were  heard,  Ewell  opened  a cannonade,  which 
after  an  hour’s  firing  was  overpowered  by  the  Federal  artillery  on  Ceme- 
tery and  Culp’s  Hills.  Early  and  Bodes  had  been  ordered  to  assault 
Cemetery  Hill.  General  Early’s  attack  was  made  with  great  spirit,  by 
Hays’  Louisiana  Tigers  (see  page  55),  assisted  by  Avery’s  brigade, 
Gordon’s  brigade  being  in  reserve;  the  hill  was  ascended  through  the  wide 
ravine  between  Cemetery  and  Culp’s  Hills,  a line  of  infantry  on  the  slope 
was  broken,  and  Wiedrick’s  11th  corps  and  Rickett’s  reserve  batteries 
near  the  brow  of  the  hill  were  overrun;  but  the  excellent  position  of 
Steven’s  5th  Maine  battery  (see  page  78),  with  six  12-pound  guns  at  the 
head  of  the  ravine,  enabled  him  to  sweep  it  with  an  enfilading  fire,  the 
arrival  of  Carroll’s  brigade  sent  unasked  by  Hancock — a happy  inspiration, 
as  this  line  had  been  weakened  by  sending  support  to  General  Sickles — 
and  the  failure  of  Bodes  to  cooperate  with  Early  caused  the  attack  to  mis- 
carry. The  cannoneers  of  the  two  batteries,  so  summarily  ousted,  rallied 
and  recovered  their  guns  by  a vigorous  attack  with  pistols,  by  those  who 
had  them,  by  others  with  hand-spikes,  rammers,  stone  and  even  fence-rails, 
the  “Dutchmen”  showing  that  they  were  in  no  way  inferior  to  their 
“Yankee”  comrades  who  had  been  taunting  them  since  the  battle  of 


*The  3rd  division  (Crawford’s  Penna.  Reserves),  of  which  the  author’s  father  was  a 
member,  were  fighting  at  their  own  homes  and  in  defense  of  all  that  was  dear  to  them. 
They  had  also  just  learned  of  the  death  of  their  dear  old  commander,  General  Reynolds,  and 
as  they  charged  upon  the  enemy  the  cry  “Revenge  for  Reynolds,”  rang  out  above  the  din  of  the 
conflict.  The  foe  could  not  stand  against  the  terrible  impetuosity  of  this  charge,  and  at  last 
broke  and  fled  from  the  field.  In  this  charge  we  lost  one  of  our  most  gallant  officers  in  the 
person  of  Col.  Fred  Taylor,  commanding  the  1st  Rifles,  Penna.  Buck-Tail  regiment. 

Professor  M.  Jacobs,  of  the  Gettysburg  College,  who  was  within  the  Confederate  line 
during  the  battle,  and  who  published  “Notes  of  the  Confederate  Invasion,”  J.  B.  Lippincott 
Company,  Philadelphia,  1864,  in  speaking  of  that  day  says  on  page  37  : “To  us  the  results 
seemed  doubtful  * * * At  about  6 : 00  P.M.,  it  is  true,  we  heard  cheering,  different  from 
that  which  had  so  often  fallen  dolefully  upon  our  ears,  and  some  of  the  Confederates  said  to 
each  other,  ‘Listen  ! the  Yankees  are  cheering.’  But  whilst  this — which  we  afterwards  found 
to  be  the  cheering  of  General  Crawford’s  men,  as  they  charged  and  drove  the  enemv  down 
the  face  of  Little  Round  Top — afforded  us  a temporary  encouragement.”  (See  page  42.) 


6 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


83 


Chancellorsville,  Va.*  After  an  hour’s  desperate  fighting,  the  enemy  was 
driven  out  with  heavy  loss.  General  Avery  being  among  the  killed.! 

Later  that  evening,  General  Johnson’s  division  advanced,  and  found 
only  one  brigade  (Greene’s)  of  the  12th  corps  in  position  on  Culp’s  Hill, 
the  others  of  that  corps  having  been  sent  to  the  aid  of  the  3rd  corps  at 
Round  Top.  Greene’s  troops  fought  with  skill  and  determination  for  two 
or  three  hours  and,  reinforced  by  about  800  men  of  the  1st  and  11th  corps, 
succeeded  in  holding  their  own  intrenchments,  the  enemy  taking  possession 
of  the  abandoned  works  of  Geary  and  Ruger’s.  This  brought  Johnson’s 
troops  near  the  Baltimore  road,  but  the  darkness  prevented  them  marching 
straight  ahead  through  the  woods  to  the  above  road,  about  400  yards 
distant,  where  they  would  have  been  in  the  rear  of  the  Union  Army  in 
possession  of  its  supply  train  and  reserve  artillery  and  on  its  proper  line 
of  retreat. 

It  was  past  midnight  when  the  tired,  weary  troops  of  the  12th  corps 
(less  Greene’s  brigade),  returned  to  Culp’s  Hill.  'With  creditable  caution, 
skirmishers  were  thrown  forward  to  ascertain  the  position  of  the  enemy; 
they  found  Johnson’s  troops  in  possession  of  their  intrenchments,  and  im- 
mediately prepared  to  drive  him  out  at  daylight.  At  the  close  of  the 
second  day’s  fighting  a consultation  of  corps  commanders  was  held  at 
Meade’s  headquarters  (see  page  38).  I was  not  present,  although  sum- 
moned, but  was  informed  that  the  vote  was  unanimous  to  hold  our  line 
and  await  an  attack,  for  at  least  one  day  before  taking  the  offensive,  as 
General  Meade  so  desired.  * * * 

THE  MEASURE  OF  VALOR. 

So  far  as  valor  is  to  be  measured  by  danger  voluntarily  encountered  and  losses 
sustained,  the  American  citizen  may  justly  compare  with  pride  the  incident  and  statistics 
of  the  great  civil  war  with  those  of  any  modern  conflict  in  Europe.  At  Gettysburg 
the  close  resemblance  between  that  battle  and  Waterloo — in  numbers  engaged  on  each 
side  and  the  losses — has  been  pointed  out.  When  comparison  is  made  of  the  losses  of 
regiments  and  other  organizations,  in  particular  engagements,  the  larger  figures  are 
with  Americans.  The  charge  of  the  British  Light  Brigade  at  Balaklava  in  1854,  has 
been  celebrated  in  verse  by  Tennyson  and  other  poets,  and  is  alluded  to  over  and  over 
again,  as  if  it  were  the  most  gallant  achievement  in  modern  warfare.  Every  time 
that  some  old  soldier  choose  to  say  he  is  one  of  the  survivors  of  that  charge,  the  news- 
papers would  talk  about  him  as  a wonder,  reporting  his  words  and  publishing  his 
portrait.  Yet  that  exploit  sinks  into  insignificance  when  compared  with  the  charge 
of  the  1st  Minnesota  regiment  at  Gettysburg. 

‘Many  exciting  incidents  of  this  twilight  battle  are  told.  When  the  Confederates  charged 
Wiedrick’s  battery  there  was  a difficulty  in  depressing  the  guns  sufficiently,  or  they  probably 
never  would  have  reached  it ; they  were  now  subjected  to  a flank  fire  from  Steven's  “5th  Maine” 
battery  which  poured  in  double  shotted  canister  at  point-blank  range.  At  Rickett's  battery 
a Confederate  lieutenant  sprang  forward  and  seized  a guidon,  when  the  bearer,  Private  Riggen, 
shot  him  with  his  revolver.  Another  rushed  into  the  battery,  laid  his  hand  upon  a gun  and 
demanded  its  surrender ; his  answer  was  a blow  from  a hand-spike  that  dashed  out  his  brains. 
At  another  gun  a Confederate  sergeant,  with  rifle  in  hand,  confronted  Sergeant  Stafford  with 
the  demand  for  the  surrender  of  the  piece ; whereupon  Lieutenant  Brockway  threw  a stone 
that  killed  him  (see  page  55). 

Sergeant  Geible,  107th  Ohio  regiment,  sprang  upon  the  low  stone  wall  defiantly  waving 
the  regimental  colors,  but  was  immediately  shot.  Adjutant  Young  captured  the  flag  of  the 
8th  Louisiana  regiment,  but  was  aimed  a heavy  blow  by  a Confederate  musket  and  sank 
fainting,  but  his  life  was  saved,  and  he  was  afterwards  promoted  for  gallantry. 

tin  popular  accounts  of  the  battle  Hays’  ("Louisiana  Tigers”)  brigade  is  described  as 
having  been  almost  annihilated.  The  absurdity  of  this  is  shown  by  General  Hays’  official 
report,  in  which  his  loss  on  this  occasion  is  given  as  237  officers  and  men  killed  and  wounded, 
76  captured;  total  313.  * * * 


84 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


The  order  for  the  charge  at  Balaklava  was  a blunder,  blunderingly  obeyed ; it 
accomplished  nothing,  and  the  total  loss  to  the  Light  Brigade  was  37  per  cent.  At 
Gettysburg,  on  the  second  day,  General  Hancock  observing  a gap  caused  by  the 
advance  movement  of  the  3rd  corps  and  seeing  that  Wilcm’s  brigade  was  pushing 
forward  with  the  evident  intention  of  passing  through  it,  he  looked  about  for  troops 
to  close  the  gap,  and  saw  nothing  within  immediate  reach  but  the  1st  Minn.  Riding- 
up  to  Colonel  Colville,  he  said:  “Do  you  see  those  colors?”  pointing  at  the  Con- 
federate flag.  “Take  them!”  Instantly  the  regiment  dashed  forward  and  charged 
the  brigade;  there  was  a short,  fierce  fight,  and  the  regiment  lost  83  per  cent,  of  its 
number  in  killed  and  wounded,  but  the  onset  of  the  enemy  was  stayed,  the  desired 
time  was  gained,  and  even  the  colors  were  captured  and  brough  off  (see  page  72). 

COLONEL  TIPPIN,  40th  N.  Y.  regiment,  writes:  General  Birney  rode  up  and 
ordered  a forward  movement  and  directed  that  the  largest  regiment  of  the  brigade  be 
sent  double-quick  to  prolong  the  line  on  the  left  so  as  to  fill  in  the  intervening  gaps 
to  the  foot  of  Round  Top,  for  the  occupation  of  which  both  forces  were  now  engaged 
in  a deadly  struggle.  General  De  Trobriand  designated  the  40th  N.  Y.  for  this  duty, 
and  ordered  me  to  conduct  it  to  its  assigned  position,  and,  if  necessary,  to  remain 
there  with  it.  We  proceeded,  the  air  was  filled  with  smoke  by  the  interchanging  fires 
of  artillery  and  musketry.  The  shouts  of  the  men  of  both  armies  were  almost  deafen- 
ing, but  I succeeded  in  placing  the  regiment  where  it  was  ordered,  and  decided  to 
remain  with  it. 

The  enemy  had  us  at  a disadvantage.  They  were  on  higher  ground,  and  were 
pouring  a terrific  fire  into  our  front.  I trust  in  God  I may  never  again  be  called  to 
look  upon  such  a scene  as  I there  beheld.  Colonel  Egan,  the  commander  of  the 
regiment,  was  charging  with  the  command  when  his  horse  was  shot  and  sank  under 
him.  Major  Warner  was  borne  past  me  for  dead,  but  was  only  terribly  wounded,  his 
horse  came  dashing  by  a few  moments  later;  as  my  own  having  been  disabled  and 
rendered  unfit  for  use,  I caught  and  mounted  him.  Col.  A.  V.  H.  Ellis,  commanding 
the  124th  N.  Y.  regiment,  one  of  the  most  chivalrous_  spirits  that  ever  breathed,  had 
received  his  mortal  wound.  He  was  riding  at  the  head  of  his  regiment,  waiving  his 
sword  in  the  air  and  shouting  to  his  men — his  “Orange  Blossoms,”  as  he  called  them, 
the  regiment  having  been  raised  in  Orange  County,  New  York — when  a shot  struck 
him  in  the  forehead.  He  was  borne  to  the  rear  and  died  within  a few  moments. 
Major  Cromwell,  also  of  that  regiment,  was  killed  almost  at  the  same  time.  The 
Adjutant  was  killed  as  the  regiment  was  moving  off  the  field.  He  had  fought 
bravely  for  hours,  and  it  seemed  hard  that  one  so  young  and  hopeful  should  be  thus 
stricken  by  a chance  shot,  after  having  faced  the  thickest  of  the  fight  unharmed. 

It  happened  by  the  merest  accident  that  I was  within  a few  feet  of  General 
Sickles  when  he  received  the  wound  by  which  he  lost  his  leg.  When  our  command 
fell  back  after  being  relieved  by  part  of  the  5th  corps,  I hastened  to  find  General 
De  Trobriand;  seeing  a knot  of  officers  near  a farm  house  (Trosel’s),  (see  page  61), 
I rode  up  to  see  if  he  (De  Trobriand)  was  among  them.  The  officers  proved  to  be 
General  Sickles  and  his  staff.  I saluted  him  and  was  about  to  ask  for  De  Trobriand, 
when  a terrific  explosion  which  seemed  to  shake  the  very  earth,  occurred.  This  was 
instantly  followed  by  another  equally  stunning,  and  the  horses  all  began  to  jump.  I 
instantly  noticed  that  Sickles’  pants  at  the  knee  was  torn  clear  off,  which  was  swinging 
loose.  The  jumping  of  his  horse  was  fortunate  for  him,  as  he  turned  just  in  time 
for  him  to  alight  on  the  upper  side  of  the  slope  of  a hill.  As  he  attempted  to  dis- 
mount, he  seemed  to  lose  strength,  half  fell  to  the  ground.  He  was  very  pale,  and 
evidently  in  most  fearful  pain,  as  he  exclaimed  ‘ ‘ Quick,  quick ! get  something  and 
tie  it  up  before  I bleed  to  death.  ’ ’ Those  were  the  exact  words,  and  I will  never  forget 
the  scene  as  long  as  I live.  He  was  carried  to  a near-by  farmhouse,  coolly  smoking  a 
cigar,  quietly  remarking  to  a Catholic  priest,  a chaplain  to  one  of  his  regiments, 
“Man  Proposes  and  God  Disposes.”  His  leg  was  amputated  within  less  than  half 
an  hour  after  receiving  the  wound.  * * * 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


85 


The  Story  of  the  Critical  Struggle  for  the  Possession  of  Little  Round  Top  Has 
Been  Graphically  Related  by  Adjutant  Farley,  of  the 
140th  N.  Y.  Regiment. 

“It  was  a moment  which  called  for  leadership.  There  was  no  time  for  tactical 
formation.  Delay  was  ruin.  Hesitation  was  destruction.  The  bullets  flew  in  among 
the  men  the  moment  the  leading  company  reached  the  top  of  the  hill,  and  not  a musket 
was  loaded.  The  natural  impulse  was  to  halt  and  load  them,  but  Colonel  O’Rorke 
permitted  no  such  delay.  Springing  from  his  horse,  he  threw  the  reins  to  the  Sergeant- 
Major;  his  sword  flashed  from  its  scabbard  into  the  sunlight,  and  calling  ‘This  way 
boys.’  Then  came  a struggle  so  desperate  and  bloody  that  the  enemy  was  compelled 
to  yield.  When  that  struggle  was  over,  the  exultation  of  victory  was  soon  chilled  by 
the  dejection  which  oppressed  us  as  we  counted  and  realized  the  cost  of  all  that  had 
been  won.  Of  our  regiment,  84  enlisted  men  and  6 officers  had  been  wounded,  besides 
these  26  of  them  who  had  marched  with  us  that  afternoon  had  fallen  dead  before  the 
tire  of  the  enemy.  Grouped  by  companies,  a row  of  inanimate  forms  lay  side  by  side. 
No  funeral  ceremony,  and  only  shallow  graves  could  be  accorded  them.  In  the  dark- 
ness of  the  night,  silently  and  with  bitter  dejection,  each  company  buried  its  dead. 
Colonel  Patrick  O ’Rorke  was  among  the  dead ; shot  through  the  neck,  he  had  fallen 
without  a groan,  and  we  may  hope  without  a pang.  The  supreme  effort  of  his  life 
was  consummated  by  a death,  heroic  in  its  surroundings  and  undisturbed  by 
pain.  * * *’’  (See  page  72.) 

NARRATIVE  NOTES. 

In  view  of  the  successes  gained  on  the  2nd  day,  General  Lee  resolved  to  renew  his 
efforts.  The  successes  were: 

First,  On  His  Right,  the  lodgment  at  the  base  of  Round  Tops,  the  possession  of 
Devil’s  Den  and  the  woods,  Wheatfield,  Peach  Orchard  and  ridge  along  the  Ernmits- 
burg  road,  which  gave  him  the  coveted  position  for  his  artillery. 

Second,  On  His  Left,  the  occupation  of  part  of  the  intreneliments  of  the  12tli 
corps,  with  an  outlet  to  the  Baltimore  road,  by  which  all  our  lines  could  be  taken  in 
reverse. 

Third,  At  the  Center,  the  partial  success  of  three  of  Anderson’s  brigades 
( Wilcox , Perry  and  Wright),  in  penetrating  our  lines,  from  which  they  were  expelled 
only  because  they  lacked  proper  support.  It  was  thought  that  better  concert  of  action 
might  have  made  good  lodgment  here  also. 

Both  armies  had  indeed  lost  heavily,  but  the  account  in  that  respect  seemed  in 
favor  of  the  Confederates,  or  at  worst  balanced.  Pickett’s  and  Edward  Johnson’s 
divisions  were  fresh,  as  were  Posey’s  and  Mahone’s  brigades  of  R.  PL.  Anderson’s 
division,  and  Wm.  Smith’s  brigade  of  Early’s  division.  These  could  be  depended  upon 
for  an  assault;  the  others  could  be  used  as  supports,  and  to  follow  up  a success.  The 
artillery  was  almost  intact.  General  Stuart  had  arrived  with  his  cavalry,  excepting 
the  brigades  of  Jones  and  Robertson  guarding  the  communications,  and  Imboden  had 
also  come  up.  General  Lee,  therefore,  directed  the  renewal  of  operations  both  on  his 
right  and  left. 

While  the  actions  of  the  first  two  days  were  complicated,  that  of  the  third  was 
extremely  simple.  Lee  had  tried  both  flanks  and  failed.  He  now  determined  to  attempt 
piercing  the  center  of  Meade’s  line.  General  Long  street,  wiser  than  his  chief,  protested 
but  in  vain. 

On  a visit  of  Long  street  to  Gettysburg,  when  asked  if  he  really  opposed  Pickett's 
charge,  he  said  he  had;  that  he  had  earnestly  urged  General  Lee  not  to  attempt  it,  as 
the  distance  was  too  great,  and  the  position  of  the  Union  forces  a strong  one.  He 
said  when  General  Pickett  came  to  him  to  say  that  everything  was  ready,  and  asked 
if  he  should  move,  “I  was  so  overcome,’’  said  Longstreet,  “and  was  so  positive  of  the 
failure  of  the  charge,  and  knew  so  well  that  it  was  only  sending  thousands  of  brave 
souls,  the  flower  of  the  army,  to  their  graves,  that  I could  not  speak,  I merely  gave  a 
nod  of  assent  [see  page  100],  and  then  the  tears  rushed  to  my  eyes  as  I saw  those  brave 
fellows  rush  to  a certain  death.’’ 


86 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


CRITICISMS. 

General  Meade  was  afterwards  accused  of  having  made  up  his  mind  to  retreat, 
it  is  said  that  he  had  definitely  instructed  his  chief  staff  officer.  General  Butterfield, 
to  draw  up  the  necessary  orders.  The  statement  was  denied  by  General  Meade;  in 
any  case,  the  action  affords  no  proof  of  any  such  fixed  intention  on  his  part,  being 
merely  a precaution  such  as  a prudent  general  would  take  in  view  of  possible  emer- 
gencies. On  the  one  hand,  he  testified  before  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War, 
that  he  never  thought  of  such  a thing ; on  the  other.  General  Doubleday,  in  his 
‘ ‘ Chaneellorsville  and  Gettysburg  ’ ’ presents  testimony  that  seems  to  have  no  reason- 
able doubt.  There  is  nothing  intrinsically  improbable  in  the  story. 

General  Meade  had  been  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  but  a few  days, 
and  he  cannot  be  said  to  have  been,  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  term,  the  master- 
spirit at  Gettysburg.  It  was  General  Reynolds  who  went  out  to  meet  the  enemy,  and 
stay  his  advance  on  the  first  day;  it  was  General  Hancock  who  selected  the  advan- 
tageous position  for  the  second  day;  it  was  General  Warren  who  secured  the  neglected 
key-point.  The  fact  of  calling  a council  of  war  at  all,  implies  doubt  in  the  mind  of 
the  commander.  But  after  all,  the  question  is  hardly  important  so  far  at  least  as  it 
concerns  General  Meade’s  place  in  history.  He  is  likely  to  be  less  blamed  for  con- 
templating pursuit  at  the  end  of  the  third  day  when  the  enemy  was  defeated.  There 
are  some  considerations,  however,  which  must  give  General  Meade’s  conduct  of  this 
battle  a very  high  place  for  generalship.  He  unhesitatingly  excepted  General  Han- 
cock’s judgment  as  to  the  propriety  of  receiving  battle  on  Cemetery  Hill,  and  showed 
every  disposition  to  do  all  that  would  tend  to  secure  the  great  purpose,  without  the 
slightest  reference  to  its  bearing  on  anybody’s  reputation.  Furthermore,  he  had,  what 
brilliant  soldiers  often  lack,  a complete  comprehension  of  the  entire  situation,  as 
regarded  the  war,  and  appreciated  the  importance  of  the  action  in  which  he  was 
about  to  engage.  This  is  proven  by  the  following  circular,  which  he  issued  on  the 
30th  of  June,  one  day  before  the  battle,  to  his  subordinates. 

‘ ‘ The  commanding  general  requests  that  previous  to  the  engagement  soon  expected 
with  the  enemy,  corps  and  all  other  commanding  officers  will  address  their  troops, 
explaining  to  them  briefly  the  immense  issues  involved  in  this  struggle.  The  enemy 
are  on  our  soil.  The  whole  country  now  looks  anxiously  to  this  army  to  deliver  it  from 
the  presence  of  the  foe.  Our  failure  to  do  so  will  leave  us  no  such  welcome  as  the 
swelling  of  millions  of  hearts  with  pride  and  joy  at  our  success  would  give  to  every 
soldier  in  the  army.  Homes,  firesides  and  domestic  altars,  are  involved.  The  army  has 
fought  well  heretofore.  It  is  believed  that  it  will  fight  more  desperately  and  bravely 
than  ever  if  it  is  addressed  in  fitting  terms.  Corps  and  other  commanders  are  au- 
thorized to  order  the  instant  death  of  any  soldier  who  fails  in  his  duty  at  this  hour.” 


Note.- — In  fighting  the  second  day’s  battle,  the  Confederates  engaged  hut  50  regiments  on 
their  right,  while  General  Meade  found  it  necessary  to  employ  197  of  his  infantry  regiments 
in  order  to  resume  and  hold  his  true  position  intact  on  his  left  alone.  And  during  the  entire 
day,  out  of  his  total  of  231  regiments  of  infantry,  Meade  had  210  engaged,  against  86  of 
Lee’s  total  of  171. 


»5/  MINN 


CULP'S  HILL  «*»  STEVEN'S  KNOLL 


SHOWING 

distance 


THE  BATTLEFIELD  FROM  &IS  ROUND  TOP 


lfTTLE  ROUWO 


TOP 


7Z*yPA.INF. 


VV RIGHT  AVE-. 


Third  Day’s  Battle,  Friday,  July  3,  1863 


^HREE  courses  of  action  are  open  to  General  Lee:  (1)  to  fight 
it  out  where  he  is;  (2)  to  retire  and  take  position  in  the 
passes  of  the  South  Mountains,  and  there  compel  General 
Meade  to  attack,  his  present  position  being  weak  for  de- 
fense; (3)  to  move  to  his  right  and  take  a chosen  position 
between  the  Union  Army  and  Washington,  where  a Fed- 
eral attack  would  he  imperative  on  account  of  jeopardy 
to  the  Federal  Capital. 

But  when  General  Lee  was  informed  of  the  arrival  of  Pickett’s  in- 
fantry and  J.  E.  B.  Stuart’s  cavalry  divisions,  a consultation  was  held 
by  the  Confederate  authorities  and  Lee  determined  to  assault  the  Union 
left  center  on  the  following  day,  selecting  the  umbrella-shaped  trees  on 
Cemetery  Ridge  as  the  point  of  attack.  It  was  then  that  General  Longstreet 
objected  to  Lee’s  plan,  and  urgently  requested  him  to  withdraw  from  here 
and  move  southward  toward  Washington,  compelling  the  Union  Army  to 
follow  after,  then  in  all  probability  be  enabled  to  make  battle  on  more 
favorable  grounds.  But  Lee  said,  “No!  Tomorrow  I will  have  my  cannon 
concentrate  its  fire  on  that  point  which  will  demolish  their  guns  or  exhaust 
their  ammunition,  then  have  Pickett’s  division  and  its  support  charge  his 
front.  In  the  meantime,  I will  send  Stuart’s  four  brigades  of  cavalry 
around  their  right  and  attack  them  from  the  rear.  In  this  way  I will  cut 
their  line  in  two,  then  use  that  army  up  by  detail.” 

Early  that  morning  General  Johnson  had  been  reinforced  by  Daniel’s, 
O’Neal’s,  Smith’s  and  Walker’s  brigades.  He  now  had  seven  brigades, 
two  of  which  had  not  been  in  action  since  they  came  upon  the  field.  Op- 
posed to  him  were  six  brigades  of  the  12th,  and  Shaler’s  brigade  of  the 
6th  corps. 

Before  the  grey  light  of  the  early  morning  had  fairly  displaced  the 
shadows  of  the  night,  the  artillery  from  Powers  and  McAllister  Hills 
opened  fire  on  Johnson’s  troops  who  were  within  the  cover  of  the  woods. 
They  were  already  in  line  and  about  to  attack  when  this  artillery  fire 
anticipated  their  movements.  Johnson  having  no  artillery,  being  unable 
to  bring  any  with  him  owing  .to  the  condition  of  the  ground  over  which  he 
passed.  The  Confederates  not  only  held  their  position,  but  charged  again 
and  again  (see  page  82). 

During  the  course  of  the  fighting,  Colonel  Colgrove  made  an  attempt 
to  effect  a lodgement  of  the  enemy  on  the  right,  and  ordered  the  2nd  Mass, 
and  27th  Ind.  regiments  forward  for  that  purpose.  These  veterans  charged 
on  a double-quick  (see  page  72)  in  the  face  of  a terrible  musketry  fire — 
like  leaves  in  autumn  gales,  they  dropped  while  crossing  over  a short 
piece  of  open  ground.  These  two  regiments  together  lost  in  this  action 
246  killed  and  wounded  out  of  659  officers  and  men  engaged.  The  49th 


88 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


89 


Va.  regiment  opposing  losing  two-fifths  of  its  number  in  the  affair.  Before 
making  the  charge  it  was  apparent  to  every  officer  and  man  that  some  one 
had  blundered,  and  that  there  was  some  misunderstanding  in  the  trans- 
mission of  the  order.  Still  both  regiments  moved  forward  with  cheers 
as  promptly  as  if  they  were  certain  of  success.  When  Colonel  Mudge,  of 
the  2nd  Mass,  received  the  order,  he  remarked  to  some  of  his  officers,  “It 
is  murder ; but  it  is  the  order.  ’ ’ He  fell  dead  before  he  had  gone  ten  rods. 
His  regiment  lost  five  color-bearers. 

The  13th  N.  J.  boys  were  annoyed  by  Confederate  sharpshooters,  who 
occupied  the  Taney  house,  on  the  farther  side  of  Rock  Creek.  Battery  M, 
1st  N.  Y.,  in  position  near  the  Baltimore  road,  fired  several  well-aimed 
percussion  shells  which  soon  made  the  building  untenable.  In  the  struggle 
on  Culp’s  Hill,  the  1st  Md.  Confederate  fought  with  the  3rd  Md.  Union 
regiment.  Brother  against  brother,  kinsmen  and  neighbors  were  ar- 
rayed against  each  other,  and  their  mingled  dead  strewed  the  ground 
thickly  where  this  bloody  scene  of  civil  war  was  enacted. 

It  was  a remarkable  fight.  For  seven  hours  the  unremitting  roar  of 
the  rifles  continued.  Discomfited  and  discouraged,  torn  and  bleeding,  the 
Confederate  dead  and  wounded  were  piled  in  heaps  on  the  ground  where 
they  fell,  fighting,  as  they  retired  with  a courage  which  commanded  the 
admiration  of  their  foes  (see  page  82).  Shouts  of  victory  now  filled 
the  air.  Men  cheered  themselves  hoarse,  laughed,  rolled  themselves  on  the 
ground,  while  others  shook  hands  with  their  comrades,  and  thanked  God 

that  the  star  corps  had  again 
triumphed. 

General  Meade,  after  lis- 
tening to  the  incessant  mus- 
ketry around  Culp’s  Hill, 
thought  that  the  Union  troops 
were  expending  ammunition 
unnecessarily,  and  notified 
General  Slocum  to  that  effect. 
Meade,  however,  expressed 
satisfaction  when  Slocum  ex- 
plained the  situation. 

It  was  now  11:00  o’clock, 
General  Johnson  had  been 
completely  baffled  in  his  plan. 
He  had  flung  away  his  oppor- 
tunity the  night  before,  and 
to  reclaim  it  he  had  now  done 
his  best  and  failed.  He  could 
not  find  fault  with  his  men; 
for  never,  even  under  Gen- 
eral Jackson  had  they  fought  more  bravely.  But  they  were  now  pitted 
against  men  of  equal  bravery,  of  equal  determination  with  themselves — 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG- July  3rd.  1003. 


90 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


men  who  were  now  on  their  own  soil,  and  fighting  for  the  sanctity  of  their : 1 
own  homes.  C 

General  Geary  says:  My  division  alone — 3,702  men — having  fired  into  i 11 
this  superb  valor  277,000  rounds  of  ammunition.  The  casualties  are  re-  ^ 
ported  at  1,156,  of  which  47  occurred  in  Slialer’s  brigade.  The  losses  to  c 
the  first  and  11th  corps,  troops  that  reinforced  Greene’s  brigade,  not  given.  1 
Johnson  sustained  a loss  of  2,015,  including  many  stands  of  colors,  not  in-  f 
eluding  the  casualties  in  Smith’s,  Daniel’s  and  O’Neal’s  brigades.  Over  900  1 
of  the  enemy’s  dead  were  buried  by  my  troops,  and  a large  number  left  un-  j * 
buried,  marching  orders  having  been  received  before  the  work  was  com-  a 
pleted.  The  Blue  and  Gray  were  sometimes  found  in  one  common  heap.  * 
The  color  sergeant,  Wm.  C.  Lilly,  149th  N.  Y.  regiment,  had  his  flag-  1 
staff  broken  by  a shot,  and  during  the  hottest  part  of  the  fighting  he  * 
was  seen  pealing  the  bark  from  off  of  young  saplings  and  spliced  the  same, 
which  he  carried  at  the  head  of  the  command  until  the  end  of  the  battle.  ; 
The  woods  in  which  the  battle  raged  was  “torn  and  rent  with  shell,  and  | 
pierced  with  innumerable  minie  balls.  ’ ’ 

Oliver  O.  Howard,  Major-General  U.  S.  A.,  writes : “It  would  require  the  whole 
history  of  the  battle,  to  fairly  portray  Slocum ’s  part  there.  The  most  impressive  I 1 
incident  of  the  battle  to  me  was  Slocum’s  own  battle  on  the  morning  of  the  third  day. 
For  seven  hours  he  commanded  the  field  to  our  right;  that  dreadful  struggle  went  on  ■ 
until  Ewell  with  Early  and  Johnson’s  divisions  were  forced  to  give  up  and  abandon 
his  prize  of  the  night  before.  Slocum’s  resolute  insistence  on  the  second  day,  upon  ! 
leaving  Greene ’s  brigade  as  a precaution  when  Meade  ordered  the  12th  corps  to  be 
sent  to  his  left,  with  Greene ’s  marvelous  midnight  battle  and  more  still,  Slocum ’s  j 
organized  work  and  engagement  of  the  following  morning,  in  my  judgment  prevented 
General  Meade  losing  the  battle  of  Gettysburg.  ’ ’ 

“Governor’s  Island,  N.  Y.  July  6,  1894’’  (see  page  82). 

The  last  sound  of  battle  liad  died  away.  There  was  silence  over  the 
whole  field.  It  was  evident,  however,  that  preparations  were  being  made 
for  another  gigantic  and  possibly  crowning  effort.  As  the  forenoon  ad- 
vanced,  the  hot  July  sun  poured  down  its  rays  with  a tropical  intensity. 

It  soon  began  to  be  manifested  that  the  point  of  attack  was  to  be  the 
Union  left  center — the  depressed  part  of  Cemetery  Ridge,  midway  between 
Cemetery  Hill  and  Round  Top. 

It  will  be  seen  that  General  Meade,  after  the  repulse  of  Johnson’s 
troops,  anticipates  further  attack,  and  improves  the  respite  given  him  until 
1 : 00  P.M.  in  rectifying  the  position  of  his  troops.  The  12tli  corps  is  in  its 
old  position  on  Culp ’s  Hill,  with  Lockwood ’s  brigade  added  to  the  division 
of  Ruger  (vice  Williams),  Shaler’s  brigade  of  the  6th  corps  is  in  reserve, 
Neill’s  brigade  of  the  same  corps  are  on  Wolf’s  Hill,  east  of  Rock  Creek,  j 
forming  the  extreme  right  of  the  line,  and  covering  the  Baltimore  road. 
Wadsworth’s  division  of  the  1st  corps,  is  to  the  left  of  the  12th,  on  Culp’s 
Hill,  continuing  the  line  to  the  11th  corps  of  three  divisions,  with  Carroll’s 
brigade  of  the  2nd  corps  in  support  on  Cemetery  Hill ; then  the  2nd 
corps  of  three  divisions — Hays,  Gibbons  and  Caldwell — with  Robinson’s 
division  of  the  1st  corps  in  rear  and  left  at  Ziegler’s  Grove.  Doubleday’s 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


91 


division  of  the  1st  corps  is  between  Gibbon  and  Caldwell’s  divisions  on 
Cemetery  Ridge.  Stannard’s  brigade  of  Vermonters — just  from  the  Wash- 
ington defense — is  posted  a little  in  advance  of  the  general  line.  Behind 
Doubleday  is  Birney  with  remnants  of  the  3rd  corps.  Joining  Caldwell’s 
division  on  the  left  are  McGilvery’s  batteries,  with  Brewster’s  brigade  of 
the  3rd  corps,  and  Eustis  and  Torbert’s  brigades  of  the  6th  corps  in  support, 
while  Humphrey  massed  Carr’s  and  Graham’s  brigades  of  the  3rd  corps 
in  the  2nd  line  supporting  the  batteries  and  2nd  corps.  Immediately  to 
the  left  of  McGilvery’s  guns  is  the  brigade  of  McCandless  of  the  5th  corps 
across  Plum  Run.  Supporting  McCandless  is  the  brigade  of  Nevin,  of  the 
6th  corps,  being  in  the  near  front  of  Sweitzer’s  brigade  of  the  5th  corps; 
on  Sweitzer’s  left  is  Bartlett’s  brigade  of  the  6th  corps.  At  the  western 
base  of  Little  Round  Top  and  to  Bartlett’s  left  are  the  brigades  of  Rice 
(vice  Vincent),  Fisher,  Tilton  and  Garrard  (who  superseded  Weed), 
supported  by  Day  and  Burbank ’s  brigades  on  its  crest,  all  of  the  5th  corps. 
The  brigades  of  Russell  and  Grant  of  the  6th  corps  are  southeast  of  Round 
Top.  General  Kilpatrick  with  the  brigades  of  Farnsworth  of  his  own 
cavalry  division,  and  that  of  Merritt’s  of  Buford’s  division  are  on  the 
extreme  left  from  Plum  Run  gorge  to  and  beyond  the  Emmitsburg  road. 
General  Gregg  with  McIntosh  and  J.  I.  Gregg’s  brigades  of  his  own  and 
that  of  Custer’s  brigade  of  Kilpatrick’s  division,  are  on  the  right  flank  at 
the  Hanover-Low  Dutch  roads. 

After  weighing  all  considerations,  General  Lee  accordingly  orders  to 
the  immediate  support  of  Pickett’s  right,  Wilcox’s  brigade  of  Anderson’s 
division.  Garnett  and  Armistead’s  brigades  extending  the  front  to  the 
left.  The  remaining  brigades  of  Anderson’ s division  are  formed  in  rear 
of  Pickett.  From  right  to  left  are  the  brigades  of  Perry,  Wright  and 
Mahone.  On  Pickett’s  left  are  those  of  Lane  and  Scales  of  Pender’s  divi- 
sion, under  command  of  General  Trimble,  supporting  Heth’s  division  of 
Hill’s  corps,  now  commanded  by  General  Pettigrew,  composed  of  the  bri- 
gades of  Frys  (vice  Archer,  a prisoner  in  the  Union  line),  Davis,  Brocken- 
brough  and  Marshall  (who  supersedes  Pettigrew) . Kemper’s  brigade  holds 
the  right.  Armistead’s  the  left,  with  Garnett’s  in  the  center. 

By  noon  the  cannon  were  put  into  position  on  the  ridges  occupied  by 
both  armies.  About  1 P.M.  the  report  of  two  guns  was  heard.  It  was  the 
signal  for  attack,  the  smoke  had  hardly  emerged  from  those  guns  until 
Seminary  Ridge  seemed  as  if  swept  with  a tongue  of  flame.  Then  came 
the  loud  thundering  roar  of  artillery;  about  150  cannon  along  Lee’s  entire 
line  opened  fire,  and  from  their  angry  mouths  poured  death  and  destruction 
on  the  Federal  line.  General  Hunt,  chief  of  the  Union  artillery,  was  in  no 
haste  to  reply.  After  the  enemy’s  guns  were  well  located,  they  opened 
upon  them  with  80  cannon — that  being  all  that  could  be  placed  on  their 
interior  line.  Instantly  the  whole  ridge  from  Cemetery  Hill  to  Round  Top 
seemed  ablaze.  It  was  the  grandest  artillery  combat  that  ever  occurred 
on  this  continent.  The  din  was  terrific.  Shell  were  bursting  everywhere, 
while  the  earth  itself  trembled  for  two  hours  from  the  mighty  concussion 


92 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


that  was  felt  for  miles  away  (see  page  100).  While  the  artillery  duel  was 
raging  General  Warren,  chief  of  engineers,  rode  to  the  signal  station  on 
Little  Round  Top  and  discovered  the  formation  of  a large  body  of  troops 
in  the  edge  of  the  woods  in  front  of  the  Union  center.  He  communicated 
the  fact  per  signal  (see  page  66)  to  the  right  of  the  line,  and  General 
Hunt  ordered  all  the  gunners  to  gradually  cease  firing,  in  order  to  allow 
their  able  cannon  to  cool,  to  replace  the  disabled  batteries,  and  to  retain 
enough  ammunition  to  receive  the  attack  from  the  woods  in  front. 

The  Confederates  were  now  deceived,  they  believed  they  had  de- 
molished the  Union  guns  or  exhausted  their  ammunition.  It  was  just  3 : 00 
P.M.  when  the  column  of  attack  was  seen  forming  on  the  edge  of  the  woods 
which  crown  the  summit  of  Seminary  Ridge.  The  fresh  division  of 
Pickett  was  appointed  to  lead  the  van.  These  brave  veterans  emerged  from 
the  woods  with  their  guns  upon  their  right  shoulder  marching  across  the 
mile  of  open  ground  as  though  they  were  on  parade.  When  they  had 
reached  half  way  all  guns  along  the  Union  line  renewed  their  fire,  con- 
centrating the  same  on  their  advancing  columns ; the  Confederate  cannon 
were  silent.  “Why?”  said  the  men  who  were  rushing  into  the  jaws  of 
death.  “Why?”  said  the  men  on  the  heights  behind.  “Why?”  said  the 
Federals  on  the  heights  in  front.  The  reason  was  not  known  to  Lee  himself, 
his  ammunition  was  exhausted. 

The  Union  batteries  were  tearing  them  apart  in  many  places.  Still 
their  line  moved  steadily  on,  closing  the  vacant  gaps,  time  after  time; 
their  battalions  seemed  to  fear  no  fire,  to  dread  no  foe. 

Hesitating  in  the  face  of  the  increasing  difficulties  that  await  their 
nearer  approach,  the  fire  of  the  Union  guns  was  redoubled,  and  soon  their 
troops  became  separated  by  the  blinding  artillery  smoke. 

General  Hancock  rode  down  the  line  to  speak  to  General  Stannard, 
whose  Vermonters  were  moved  forward,  when  he  (Hancock)  was  grievously 
wounded.  A ball  struck  the  pommel  of  his  saddle,  tearing  out  and  twisting 
a nail  from  it,  and  both  bullet  and  nail  entered  his  thigh.  Two  of  Stan- 
nard’s  aids  caught  him  as  he  fell  from  his  horse.  While  in  an  ambulance 
he  wrote  a note  to  General  Meade,  urgently  advising  that  as  soon  as  the 
Confederate  charge  was  over  a return  charge  be  made  with  comparatively 
fresh  troops  of  the  6th  corps.  Some  think  that  if  this  had  been  done,  the 
Army  of  Northern  Virginia  would  have  found  the  end  of  its  career  then 
and  there,  instead  of  at  Appomattox,  Va.,  April  9,  1865.  But  Longstreet 
said  he  expected  and  was  prepared  for  such  a charge,  and  that  General 
Sedgwick’s  troops  would  have  fared  as  badly  as  Pickett. 

General  Stannard  successfully  executed  a difficult  movement  of  chang- 
ing the  front  of  his  rear  rank  while  under  fire;  his  gallant  men  poured 
forth  a well-directed  and  most  destructive  fire  upon  Wilcox  and  Perry’s 
troops  moving  southward  while  others  fired  volley  after  volley  in  rapid 
succession  into  the  now  trembling  lines  of  Armistead  and  Kemper  * moving 

* General  Kemper  writes,  "I  was  nearly  up  to  the  Federal  line  when  repulsed;  so  near 
that  I could  easily  see  the  faces  and  expression  on  the  countenances  of  the  Union  men,  and  I 
thought  I could  identify  the  individual  that  shot  me. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


93 


north,  which  are  torn  and  tattered.  Stannard’s  men  press  forward  and 
capture  more  men  than  they  had  in  their  own  organization.*1 

Now  came  the  culmination  of  a mighty  struggle  to  pierce  the  Union 
line.  Squarely  in  front  of  the  now  desperate  Confederates,  was  Pennsyl- 
vania regiments.  Veterans  of  former  campaigns,  now  for  the  first  time 
on  the  soil  of  their  own  state,  it  was  their  proud  distinction  to  stand  in  the 
breach.  Their  line  held  on  firm  and  impenetrable. 

Many  of  the  Union  batteries  had  been  nearly  demolished  during  the 
artillery  duel.  Lieutenant  Cushing,  commanding  Battery  A,  4th  U.  S.,  had 
but  one  gun  left.  He  was  working  that  gun  himself,  with  a lanyard 
wrapped  around  his  wrist  and  being  mortally  wounded  he  cried  to  General 
Webb,  “General,  I'll  give  them  one  more  shot.”  He  fell  dead  and  the 
weight  of  his  body  discharged  the  piece  (see  page  100). 

General  Armistead  had  reached  the  stone  wall  “at  the  angle.”  His 
hat  upon  the  point  of  his  sword,  he  calls  to  his  men,  “Boys,  give  them  the 
cold  steel,”  and  followed  by  his  men  crossed  the  wall,  and  fell  mortally 
wounded  near  one  of  the  Union  cannon  (see  page  100). 

Then  came  the  hand-to-hand  conflict  which  lasted  for  a few  moments 
only,  when  the  terror-stricken  Confederates  broke  in  utter  confusion,  large 
l numbers  of  them  flinging  down  their  arms  and  their  hands  above  their 
heads  as  a token  of  surrender,  they  had  done  their  best  and  their  utmost — 
they  had  fought  like  true  heroes;  but  now,  utterly  overpowered,  and  re- 
duced to  the  last  stage  of  desperation,  they  gave  up  the  fight.  Thus  Lee’s 
last  and  mosUdesperate  effort — Pickett’s  charged  failed  of  its  object;  but 
it  will  ever  live  in  the  annals  of  fame  as  the  most  brilliant  and  gallant 
effort.  Equalling  the  most  noted  “Charge  of  the  Light  Brigade”  at 
Balaklava. 

*Lieut.  Stephen  P.  Brown,  of  the  13th  Vt.  regiment,  went  into  and  almost  through  the 
battle  armed  only  with  a camp  hatchet.  This  came  about  from  the  circumstance  that  on  the 
march  to  Gettysburg,  Brown  had  taken  some  canteens  to  a well  and  filled  them  with  water, 
for  some  of  his  men  who  were  almost  fainting  from  thirst,  in  violation  of  an  order  which 
forbade  officers  or  men  to  leave  the  ranks,  except  during  the  halts  for  meals,  etc.  Brown 
was  therefore  placed  under  arrest  for  disobedience  of  orders.  When  the  regiment  reached  the 
field  he  was  released  from  arrest  by  General  Stannard.  but  could  not  have  his  sword  back 
because  it  was  in  one  of  the  wragons.  He  accordingly  armed  himself  with  a hatchet,  which  he 
carried  until  in  the  repulse  of  Pickett’s  charge,  he  received  the  surrender  of  a Confederate 
officer  and  took  his  sword  and  pistol.  On  returning  from  the  charge  he  was  stunned  by  the 
concussion  of  a shell,  but  declined  to  leave  the  ranks. — From  Benedict’s  “Vermont  in  the 
Civil  War,"  p.  J/78,  Vol.  XI. 


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ON  the  morning  of  July  3 the  Federal  side  held  Cemetery  Ridge,  Com- 
pactly arranged  on  its  crest  was  MeGilvery’s  artillery,  41  guns,  con- 
sisting of  his  own  batteries  reinforced  by  others  from  the  artillery 
reserve.  Well  to  the  right,  in  front  of  Hay’s  and  Gibbon’s  divisions  was  the 
artillery  of  the  2nd  corps  under  its  chief,  Capt.  Hazard.  Woodruff’s  battery 
was  in  front  at  Ziegler’s  Grove;  on  his  left  in  succession  were  Arnold’s  R.  I., 
Cushing’s  U.  S.,  Brown’s  R.  I.  and  Rorty’s  N.  Y.  batteries.  In  the  battle  j 
of  the  preceding  day  the  two  last-named  had  been  to  the  front  and  suffered 
severely.  Lieut.  T.  F.  Brown  was  wounded,  and  his  command  devolved 
on  Lieutenant  Perrin.  So  great  had  been  the  loss  in  men  and  horses,  that 
they  were  now  of  four  guns  each,  reducing  the  total  number  in  the  corps 
to  26  pieces.  Daniel’s  battery  four  guns  was  at  the  angle  (see  page  38). 
Cowan’s  1st  N.  Y.,  six  guns  was  placed  on  the  left  of  Rorty.  In  addition, 
some  of  the  guns  on  Cemetery  Hill,  and  Rittenhouse ’s  battery  on  Little 
Round  Top  could  be  brought  to  bear,  but  these  were  offset  by  batteries 
similarly  placed  on  the  flanks  of  the  enemy’s  line,  so  that  on  the  2nd 
corps  line,  within  the  space  of  a little  more  than  a mile  were  77  guns  to 
oppose  about  150  (see  page  100).  They  were  on  an  open  /crest  plainly 
visible  from  all  parts  of  the  opposite  line. 

About  11:30  A.M.  everything  looking  favorable  at  Culp’s  Hill,  I 
crossed  over  to  Cemetery  Ridge  to  see  what  might  be  going  on  at  other 
points.  Here  a magnificent  display  greeted  my  eyes.  Our  whole  front 
for  two  miles  was  covered  by  batteries,  already  in  or  going  into  position. 
They  stretched — apparently  in  one  unbroken  mass — from  opposite  the 
town  to  the  Peach  Orchard  which  bounded  the  batteries  to  the  left.  Never 
before  had  such  a sight  been  witnessed  on  this  continent,  and  rarely  if 
ever  abroad.  What  did  it  mean?  It  might  possibly  be  to  hold  that  line 
while  its  infantry  was  sent  to  aid  Ewell  or  guard  against  a counter-stroke 
from  us,  but  it  most  probably  meant  an  assault  on  our  center,  to  be 
preceded  by  a cannonade  in  order  to  crush  our  batteries  and  shake  our 
infantry ; at  least  to  cause  us  to  exhaust  our  ammunition  in  reply,  so  that 
the  assaulting  troops  might  pass  in  good  condition  over  the  mile  of  open 
ground  which  was  beyond  our  effective  musketry  fire. 

94 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


95 


I instructed  the  artillery  commanders  to  withhold  their  fire  for  ten 
minutes  after  the  cannonade  commenced,  then  to  concentrate  their  fire 
with  all  possible  accuracy  on  those  batteries  which  were  most  destructive 
to  us — but  slowly,  so  that  when  the  enemy’s  ammunition  was  exhausted  we 
should  have  sufficient  left  to  meet  the  assault.  At  about  1 : 00  P.M.  I had 
just  given  these  orders  to  the  last  battery  on  Little  Round  Top,  when  the 
signal-guns  were  fired,  and  the  enemy  opened  with  all  his  guns.  From 
that  point  the  scene  was  indescribably  grand.  All  their  batteries  were 
soon  covered  with  smoke,  through  which  the  flashes  were  incessant,  while 
the  air  seemed  filled  with  shells,  whose  sharp  explosions,  with  the  hurling 
of  their  fragments,  formed  a running  accompaniment  to  the  deep  roar  of 
the  guns.  Thence  I rode  to  the  artillery  reserve,  to  order  fresh  batteries 
and  ammunition  to  be  sent  up  to  the  ridge  as  soon  as  the  cannonade  ceased ; 
both  the  reserve  and  train  had  gone  to  a safer  place.  Messengers,  however, 
had  been  left  to  receive  and  convey  orders,  which  I sent  by  them. 

Turning  into  the  Taneytown  road,  I saw  evidence  of  the  necessity 
under  which  the  reserve  had  “decamped”  in  the  remains  of  a dozen 
: exploded  caissons,  which  had  been  placed  under  cover  of  a hill.  In  fact, 
the  fire  was  more  dangerous  behind  the  ridge  than  on  the  crest.  * * Our 

fire  was  deliberate,  but  on  inspecting  the  chest  I found  that  the  ammunition 
: was  running  low.  I therefore  ordered  its  immediate  cessation.  Finally 
all  our  guns  ceased ; this  was  followed  by  a cessation  of  that  of  the  enemy 
under  the  mistaken  impression  that  they  had  silenced  our  guns.  Almost 
immediately  their  infantry  came  out  of  the  woods  and  formed  for  an 
assault.  On  my  way  to  the  Taneytown  road  I met  the  fresh  batteries  which 
I had  ordered  up,  and  put  them  in  the  following  position : Fitzhugh ’s, 
Weir’s,  "Wheeler’s  and  Parson’s  were  put  south  of  the  “Clump  of  Trees.” 
Brown’s  and  Arnold’s  batteries  had  been  so  crippled  that  they  were  now 
withdrawn.  Brown’s  was  replaced  by  Cowan’s.  In  the  meantime  the 
enemy  advanced,  and  McGilvery’s  guns  opened  a destructive  oblique  fire, 
reinforced  by  Rittenliouse’s  six  rifle  guns  from  Round  Top,  which  were 
served  with  remarkable  accuracy,  enfilading  Pickett’s  lines.  The  Confed- 
erates’ approach  was  magnificent  and  excited  our  admiration.  The  steady 
fire  in  their  front  and  on  their  right  caused  Pickett’s  men  to  “drift”  in 
the  opposite  direction,  so  that  the  weight  of  the  assault  fell  upon  the 
position  occupied  by  Hazard’s  batteries.  I had  counted  on  an  artillery 
cross-fire  that  would  stop  it  before  reaching  our  line.  Except  for  a few 
shots  here  and  there,  Hazard’s  batteries  were  silent  until  the  enemy  came 
within  canister  range.  They  had  unfortunately  exhausted  their  long-range 
projectiles  during  the  cannonade,  under  the  orders  of  their  corps  com- 
manders, and  it  was  too  late  to  replace  them.  Some  were  firing  double- 
canister at  ten  yards.  So  great  was  the  loss  of  men  and  horses,  that 
Cushing’s  and  Woodruff’s  U.  S.  and  Brown’s  and  Arnold’s  R.  I.  batteries 
were  consolidated  to  form  two  serviceable  ones.  * * * 


EARLY  in  the  morning  of  Jnly  3rd,  General  Lee  informed  me  that  we 
were  to  assault  Cemetery  Ridge,  which  lay  rather  to  our  left.  This 
necessitated  a great  many  changes  of  our  positions,  which  the  Federals 
did  not  altogether  approve  of,  as  they  took  occasional  shots  at  us,  though  we 
shifted  about,  as  inoffensively  as  possible,  carefully  avoiding  getting  into  j 
bunches.  At  about  11:00  A.M.  Dearing  having  come  up,  we  had  76  guns  j 
in  what  was  virtually  one  battery,  so  disposed  as  to  fire  on  Cemetery  Ridge. 
Pickett’s  division  had  arrived,  and  his  men  were  resting.  A short  distance  ! 
to  our  left  were  64  guns  of  A.  P.  Hill’s  corps,  under  Col.  R.  L.  Walker.  I 
As  the  distance  was  a little  too  great  for  effective  fire,  General  Pendleton 
offered  me  the  use  of  nine  howitzers.  I accepted  them,  intending  to  take 
them  into  the  charge  with  Pickett,  so  I put  them  in  a hollow  behind  a bit 
of  woods  with  no  orders  but  to  wait  there  until  I sent  for  them.  About 
11:30  A.M.  some  of  Hill’s  skirmishers  and  the  Federals  began  fighting 
over  a barn*  between  the  lines,  and  gradually  his  artillery  and  that  of  the 
Federals  took  part,  until  at  least  100  guns  were  engaged,  and  a tremendous 
roar  was  kept  up  for  quite  a time.  But  it  gradually  died  oift  and  the  whole 
field  became  as  silent  as  a church-yard.  About  1 : 00  P.M.  the  Federals, 
aware  of  the  strength  of  his  position,  simply  sat  still  and  waited  for  us. 

It  had  been  arranged  that  when  the  infantry  column  was  ready,  General 
Long  street  should  order  two  guns  fired  by  the  “Washington  Artillery,”  ! 
on  that  signal  all  our  guns  were  to  open  on  Cemetery  Ridge  which  was  ; 1 
covered  with  Union  batteries.  I was  to  observe  the  fire  and  give  Pickett 
the  order  to  charge.  I accordingly  took  position  about  noon  at  the  most  ! 
favorable  point,  with  one  of  Pickett’s  couriers  with  me.  Soon  after  I re- 
ceived the  following  note  from  General  Long  street : 

“Colonel,  If  the  artillery  fire  does  not  have  the  effect  to  drive  off  the  j 
Federals  or  greatly  demoralize  them  so  as  to  make  our  efforts  pretty  1 ' 
certain,  I would  prefer  that  you  should  not  advise  General  Pickett  to  make  i 


*The  barn  referred  to  was  the  large  Bliss  barn  ; both  house  and  barn  was  burned  on  the  : 
morning  of  the  3rd,  by  the  12th  New  Jersey  and  14th  Conn,  regiments,  as  both  buildings  1, 
were  filled  with  Confederate  sharpshooters. 


96 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


97 


I the  charge.  I shall  rely  a great  deal  on  your  good  judgment  to  determine 
I the  matter,  and  shall  expect  you  to  let  General  Pickett  know  when  the 

(moment  offers.” 

This  note  rather  startled  me.  If  that  assault  was  to  be  made  on 
| General  Lee’s  judgment  it  was  all  right,  but  I did  not  want  it  made  on 
I mine.  I wrote  to  General  Longstreet,  to  the  following  effect : 

“General,  I will  only  be  able  to  judge  the  effect  of  our  fire  on  the 
Federals  by  his  return  fire,  for  his  infantry  is  but  little  exposed  to  view, 
and  the  smoke  will  obscure  the  whole  field.  If  as  I infer  from  your  note, 
there  is  any  alternative  to  this  attack,  it  should  be  carefully  considered 
before  opening  our  fire,  for  it  will  take  all  the  artillery  ammunition  we  have 
left  to  test  this  one  thoroughly,  and  if  the  results  are  unfavorable,  we  will 
have  none  left  for  another  effort.  And  even  if  this  is  entirely  successful, 
it  can  only  be  so  at  a very  bloody  cost.  ’ ’ 

To  this  presently  came  the  following  reply : 

‘ 1 Colonel : The  intention  is  to  advance  the  infantry  if  the  artillery  has 
the  desired  effect  of  driving  the  Federals  off,  or  having  other  effect,  such 
as  to  warrant  us  in  making  the  attack.  When  the  moment  arrives,  advise 
i General  Pickett  and  of  course  advance  such  artillery  as  you  can  use  in 
aiding  the  attack.” 

(I  hardly  knew  whether  this  left  me  discretion  or  not,  but  at  any  rate 
it  seemed  decided  that  the  artillery  must  open.  I felt  that  if  we  went  that 
far  we  could  not  draw  back,  but  the  infantry  must  go  too.  Gen.  A.  R. 
Wright  was  with  me  looking  at  the  position  when  these  notes  were  received, 
and  we  discussed  them  together.  Wright  said,  “It  is  not  so  hard  to  go 
there  as  it  looks;  I was  nearly  there  with  my  brigade  yesterday.  The 
trouble  is  to  stay  there.  The  whole  Yankee  army  is  there  in  a bunch.” 

I was  somewhat  influenced  by  this,  and  by  a sort  of  camp  rumor  which 
I heard  that  morning,  that  General  Lee  had  said  that  he  was  going  to  send 
every  man  he  had  upon  that  ridge.  At  any  rate,  I assumed  that  the  ques- 
tion of  supports  had  been  well  considered,  and  that  whatever  was  possible 
would  be  done.  But  before  replying,  I rode  to  see  General  Pickett,  who  was 
with  his  division  a short  distance  in  the  rear.  I did  not  tell  him  my  object, 
but  only  tried  to  guess  how  he  felt  about  the  charge.  He  seemed  very 
sanguine,  and  thought  himself  in  luck  to  have  the  chance.  Then  I felt 
that  I could  not  make  any  delay  or  let  the  attack  suffer  by  any  indecision 
on  my  part.  And,  that  General  Longstreet  might  know  my  intention,  I 
wrote  him  only  this : 

“General,  when  our  artillery  fire  is  at  its  best,  I shall  order  Pickett  to 
charge.  ” 

Then,  getting  a little  more  anxious,  I decided  to  send  for  the  nine 
howitzers  and  take  them  ahead  of  Pickett,  up  nearly  to  musket  range,  so  I 
: sent  a courier  to  bring  them  up  in  front  of  the  infantry.  The  courier 
’ could  not  find  them.  He  was  sent  again,  and  only  returned  after  our  fire 
was  opened,  saying  they  were  gone.  I afterward  learned  that  General 
Pendleton  had  sent  for  a part  of  them,  and  the  others  had  moved  to  a 
7 


98 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


neighboring  hollow  to  get  out  of  line  of  the  Union  fire.  At  exactly 
1:00  P.M.  (by  my  watch),  the  two  signal  guns  were  heard  in  quick  suc- 
cession. In  another  minute  every  gun  was  at  work.  The  Pederals  were 
not  slow  in  coming  back  at  us,  and  the  grand  roar  of  nearly  the  whole 
artillery  of  both  armies  burst  in  on  the  silence  almost  as  suddenly  as  the 
Bill  notes  of  an  organ  would  fill  a church.  The  artillery  of  Ewell’s  corps, 
however,  took  only  a small  part.  I believe  in  this,  as  they  were  too  far 
away,  on  the  other  side  of  the  town.  Some  of  them  might  have  done  good 
service  from  positions  between  Hill  and  Ewell  enfilading  the  batteries 
fighting  us. 

The  opportunity  to  do  that  was  the  single  advantage  in  our  having 
the  exterior  line,  to  compensate  for  all  its  disadvantages.  But  our  line  was 
so  extended  that  all  of  it  was  not  well  studied,  and  the  officers  of  the 
different  corps  had  no  opportunity  to  examine  each  other’s  ground  for 
chances  to  cooperate. 

The  Union  position  seemed  to  have  broken  out  with  guns  everywhere, 
and  from  Round  Top  to  Cemetery  Hill  was  blazing  like  a volcano.  The 
air  seemed  full  of  missiles  from  every  direction.  The  severity  of  the  fire 
may  be  illustrated  by  the  casualties  in  my  own  battalion  under  Major 
Huger,  under  my  predecessor,  Gen.  S.  D.  Lee ; the  battalion  had  made  a 
reputation  at  the  second  Manassas,  and  also  at  Antietam.  At  the  latter 
battle  it  had  a peculiarly  hard  time,  fighting  infantry  and  superior  metal  ; 
nearly  all  day,  losing  85  men  and  60  horses.  Antietam  they  called  “Antie- 
tam Hell.”  At  Gettysburg  the  losses  in  the  same  command,  including  , 
those  who  helped  serve  the  guns,  were  144  men  and  116  horses,  nearly  all 
by  artillery  fire.  Some  parts  of  the  Federal  artillery  suffered  in  the  same 
proportion  under  our  fire.  I heard  of  one  battery  losing  27  out  of  36 
horses  in  ten  minutes.*  j 

Before  the  cannonade  opened,  I had  made  up  my  mind  to  give  Pickett 
the  order  to  advance  within  fifteen  minutes  after  it  began,  but  when  I j 
looked  at  the  full  development  of  the  Federal  batteries,  and  knew  that  their 
infantry  was  generally  protected  from  our  fire,  by  stone  walls  and  swells 
of  the  ground,  I could  not  bring  myself  to  give  the  word.  It  seemed  mad- 
ness to  launch  infantry  into  that  fire,  with  nearly  a mile  to  go  at  midday  , 
under  a July  sun.  I let  15  minutes  pass,  20  and  25,  hoping  vainly  for 
something  to  turn  up.  Then  I wrote  to  General  Pickett:  “If  you  are 
coming  at  all,  you  must  come  at  once,  or  I cannot  give  you  proper  support ; 
the  Union  fire  has  not  slackened  at  all ; at  least  18  guns  are  still  firing 
from  the  Cemetery  itself.”  Five  minutes  after  sending  that  message,  the 
Federals  fire  suddenly  slackened,  and  the  guns  in  the  Cemetery  limbered 
up  and  vacated  the  position. 

We  often  did  such  things  as  that  to  save  our  ammunition  for  use 
against  infantry,  but  I had  never  before  seen  the  Federals  withdrawn  their 
— 

*The  shot  and  shell  ploughed  up  the  ground,  and  dismounted  many  guns.  A house  used 
for  General  Meade’s  headquarters  in  the  rear  of  the  Union  line,  was  completely  riddled. 
General  Butterfield,  (Meade’s)  chief  of  staff,  was  grieviously  wounded  while  engaged  in  writing! 
orders.  Around  the  house  lay  16  dead  horses  (see  page  38). 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


99 


guns  simply  to  save  them  up  for  the  infantry  tight.  So  I said,  “If  he  does 
not  run  fresh  batteries  in  there  in  five  minutes,  this  will  be  our  fight.”  I 
looked  anxiously  with  my  glasses,  and  the  five  minutes  passed  without  a 
sign  of  life  on  that  deserted  position,  still  swept  by  our  fire,  and  littered 
with  dead  men  and  horses,  and  fragments  of  disabled  carriages.  Then  I 
i wrote  General  Pickett  urgently:  “For  God’s  sake  come  quick.  The  18 
guns  are  gone;  come  quick,  or  my  ammunition  won’t  let  me  support 
you  properly.”  I afterwards  heard  from  others  what  took  place  with  my 
first  note  to  General  Pickett. 

Pickett  took  it  to  General  Longstreet ; Longstreet  read  it,  and  said 
nothing;  Pickett  said,  “General,  shall  I advance?”  Longstreet,  knowing 
it  had  to  be,  but  unwilling  to  give  the  word,  turned  his  face  away.  Pickett 
saluted  and  said,  “I  am  going  to  move  forward,  sir,”  galloped  off  to  his 
division,  and  immediately  put  it  in  action  (see  page  100). 

Longstreet,  leaving  his  staff,  came  out  alone  to  where  I was.  I was 
then  more  hopeful,  but  afraid  our  artillery  ammunition  might  not  hold 
out  for  all  we  would  want.  Longstreet  said,  “Stop  Pickett  immediately, 
and  replenish  your  ammunition.  ’ ’ I explained  that  it  would  take  too  long, 
and  the  Federals  would  recover  from  the  effect  our  fire  was  then  having, 
and  wre  had.  moreover,  very  little  to  replenish  with.  General  Longstreet 
said,  ‘ ‘ I don ’t  want  to  make  this  attack ; I would  stop  it  now,  but  that 
General  Lee  ordered  it  and  expects  it  to  go  on;  don’t  see  how  it  can 
succeed.  ” 

I listened,  but  did  not  dare  offer  a word.  The  battle  was  lost  if  we 
stopped.  Ammunition  was  far  too  low  to  try  anything  else,  for  we  had 
been  fighting  three  days.  There  was  a chance,  and  it  was  not  my  part  to 
interfere.  While  Longstreet  was  still  speaking,  Pickett’s  division  swept  out 
of  the  woods  and  shown  the  full  length  of  its  gray  ranks  and  shining 
bayonets,  as  grand  a sight  as  ever  a man  looked  on.  Joining  it,  on  the  left, 
General  Pettigrew  stretched  further  than  I could  see.  General  Garnett, 
just  out  of  the  sick  ambulance,  and  buttoned  up  in  an  old  overcoat,  riding 
at  the  head  of  his  brigade,  passed  us  and  saluted  General  Longstreet — 
Garnett  was  a warm  personal  friend.  We  had  served  on  the  plains  to- 
gether before  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  I rode  with  him  a short  distance, 
and  then  we  wished  each  other  luck  and  good-bye,  which  was  our  last. 

Then  I rode  along  the  line  of  guns,  selecting  such  as  had  enough 
ammunition  to  follow  Pickett’s  advance,  and  started  them  after  him  as 
■ fast  as  possible.  I got,  I think,  about  18  in  all  in  a little  while,  and  went 
; with  them.  Meanwhile,  the  infantry  had  no  sooner  debouched  on  the  plain 
than  all  the  Union  guns,  which  had  been  silent,  broke  out  again  with  all 
its  batteries.  The  18  guns  wTere  back  in  the  Cemetery,  and  a storm  of  shell 
: began  bursting  over  and  among  our  infantry.  All  of  our  guns — silent  as 
: the  infantry  passed  between  them — reopened  over  their  heads,  when  the 
lines  had  got  a couple  hundred  yards  away,  but  the  Federal  artillery  let 
: us  alone  and  fired  only  at  the  infantry.  No  one  could  have  looked  at  that 
advance  without  feeling  proud  of  it. 


HIGH  WAT  EB  MARK"  MON. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


101 


B.  Briggs  Devenport,  writing  for  the  Philadelphia  Public  Ledger  the  story  of 
Piclcett’s  famous  charge  (published  June  28th,  1903),  is  as  follows: 

‘ ‘ Still  onward  press  the  men  in  gray,  their  ranks  growing  thinner,  their  lives 
shorter,  as  the  living  press  toward  the  center  to  till  the  gaps  left  by  the  dead.  Nearly 
every  mounted  officer  goes  down.  Eiderless  horses  are  flying  hither  and  thither.  Above 
the  battle’s  roar  is  heard  the  familiar  southern  yell.  It  proclaims  fresh  hope,  but 
false  hope.  Union  batteries  * * * like  burning  lava  from  volcanic  vents,  pour 

a ceaseless  current  of  fire  into  the  now  Confederate  ranks.  The  Southern  left  is  torn 
to  fragments.  Quickly  the  brilliant  Alexander,  his  ammunition  almost  exhausted, 
flies  at  a furious  gallop  with  his  batteries  to  the  support  of  the  dissolving  infantry. 
Here  and  there  his  horses  and  riders  go  down  and  check  his  artillery  progress.  His 
brave  gunners  cut  loose  the  dead  horses,  seize  the  wheels,  whirl  the  guns  in  position 
and  pour  the  hot  grape  and  canister  into  the  face  of  the  Federals.  The  Confederates 
rally  under  the  impulse  and  rush  onward.  At  one  instant  their  gray  jackets  and 
flashing  bayonets  are  plainly  seen  in  the  July  sun.  At  the  next  'they  disappear,  hidden 
from  view  as  the  belching  cannon  conceal  and  envelop  them  in  sulphurous  smoke. 
The  brisk  west  wind  lifts  and  drives  the  smoke  from  the  field,  revealing  the  Confed- 
erate banners  close  to  the  stone  wall.  ‘Will  they  go  over?’  Look!  They  are  over  and 
in  the  Union  line.  The  left  center  is  pierced,  but  there  is  no  Union  panic,  no  general 
flight.  The  Confederate  battleflags  and  Union  banners  are  floating  side  by  side. 
Pace  to  face,  breast  to  breast,  are  the  hostile  hosts.  The  heavy  guns  are  silent.  The 
roar  of  the  artillery  has  given  place  to  the  rattle  of  rifles  and  the  crack  of  pistol 
shots.  The  awful  din  and  confusion  of  close  combat  is  heard,  as  the  men  batter  and 
brain  each  other  with  clubbed  muskets.  The  brave  young  Lieutenant  Cushing,  shot  in 
both  thighs,  still  stands  by  his  guns  (see  page  100).  The  Confederates  seize  them; 
but  he  surrenders  them  only  with  his  life.  One  southern  leader  is  left.  It  is  the 
heroic  Armistead.  He  calls  around  him  the  shattered  southern  remnant.  Lifting  his 
hat  on  the  point  of  his  sword,  he  orders  ‘ Forward ! ’ on  the  second  line,  and  dies 
with  half  these  remnants  amidst  the  culminating  fury  of  Gettysburg  fires.” 

But  as  our  supporting  guns  advanced,  we  passed  many  poor,  mangled 
victims  left  in  its  trampled  wake.  A terrific  infantry  fire  was  now  opened 
upon  Pickett,  and  a considerable  force  of  the  Federals  moved  out  to  attack 
the  right  flank  of  his  line.  We  halted,  unlimbered  and  opened  fire  upon  it. 

Pickett’s  men  never  halted,  but  opened  fire  at  close  range,  swarmed 
over  the  fence  and  among  the  Union  guns — were  swallowed  up  in  smoke, 
and  that  was  the  last  of  them.  The  conflict  hardly  seemed  to  last  five 
minutes  before  they  were  melted  away,  and  only  disorganized  stragglers 
pursued  by  a moderate  fire  were  coming  back.  Just  then  General  Wilcox’s 
brigade  passed  by  us,  moving  to  Pickett’s  support.  There  was  no  longer 
anything  to  support,  and  with  the  keenest  pity  at  the  useless  waste  of  life, 
I saw  them  advance.  The  men,  as  they  passed  us  looked  bewildered,  as  if 
they  wondered  what  they  were  expected  to  do,  or  why  they  were  there. 
However,  they  were  soon  halted  and  moved  back.  They  suffered  some 
losses,  and  we  had  a few  casualties  from  canister  sent  at  us  at  rather  long 
range. 

From  the  position  of  our  guns,  the  sight  of  the  conflict  was  grand  and 
thrilling,  and  we  watched  it  as  men  with  a life  and  death  interest  in  the 
result.  If  it  should  be  favorable  to  us,  the  war  was  nearly  over ; if  against 
I us,  we  each  had  the  risks  of  many  battles  yet  to  go  through.  The  event 

culminated  with  fearful  rapidity.  Listening  to  the  rolling  crashes  of 
musketry,  it  was  hard  to  realize  that  they  were  made  up  of  single  reports, 


102 


TIIE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


and  that  each  mnsket-shot  represented  nearly  a minute  of  a man’s  life  in 
that  storm  of  lead  and  iron.  It  seemed  as  if  100,000  men  were  engaged, 
and  that  human  life  was  being  poured  out  like  water.  As  soon  as  it  ap- 
peared that  the  assault  had  failed,  we  ceased  firing  in  order  to  save 
ammunition  in  case  the  Federals  should  advance.  But  we  held  our  ground 
as  boldly  as  possible  though  we  were  entirely  without  support,  and  very 
low  in  ammunition.  The  Federals  gave  us  an  occasional  shot  for  awhile, 
and  then,  to  our  great  relief,  let  us  rest.  About  that  time  General  Lee, 
entirely  alone,  rode  up  and  remained  with  me  for  a long  time  (see  page  100). 
He  then  probably  first  appreciated  the  full  extent  of  the  disaster  as  the 
disorganized  stragglers  made  their  way  back  past  us.  The  Count  de  Paris, 
in  his  excellent  account  of  this  battle,  remarks  that  Lee,  as  a soldier,  must 
at  this  moment  have  foreseen  Appomattox — that  he  must  have  realized 
that  he  could  never  again  muster  so  powerful  an  army,  and  that  for  the 
future  he  could  only  delay,  but  not  avert,  the  failure  of  his  cause. 

However  this  may  be,  it  was  certainly  a momentous  thing  to  him  to  see 
that  superb  attack  end  in  such  a bloody  repulse.  But  whatever  his  emo- 
tion, there  was  no  trace  of  them  in  his  calm  and  self-possessed  bearing.  I 
thought  at  the  time  his  coming  there  very  imprudent,  and  the  absence  of 
all  his  staff-officers  and  couriers  strange.  It  could  only  have  happened  by 
his  express  intention,  I have  since  thought  it  possible  that  he  came  thinking 
the  Federals  might  follow  in  pursuit  of  Pickett  personally  to  rally  strag- 
glers about  our  guns  and  make  a desperate  defense.  He  had  the  instincts 
of  a soldier  within  him  as  strongly  as  any  man.  Looking  at  Burnside’s 
dense  columns  swarming  through  the  fire  of  our  guns  toward  Maryes  Hill 
at  Fredericksburg,  he  had  said:  “It’s  well  war  is  so  terrible,  or  we  would 
grow  too  fond  of  it.”  No  soldier  could  have  looked  on  at  Pickett’s  charge 
and  not  burned  to  be  in  it.  To  have  a personal  part  in  a close  and  desperate 
fight  at  that  moment  would,  I believe,  have  been  at  heart  a great  pleasure 
to  General  Lee,  and  possibly  he  was  looking  for  one.  We  were  here  joined 
by  Colonel  Fremantle  of  Her  Majesty’s  Coldstream  Guards,  who  was  visit- 
ing our  army.  He  afterward  published  an  excellent  account  of  the  battle 
in  “Blackwood”  magazine  and  described  many  little  incidents  that  took 
place  here,  such  as  General  Lee  encouraging  the  retreating  stragglers  to 
rally  as  soon  as  they  got  back  to  cover,  and  saying  that  the  failure  was  his 
fault,  not  theirs.  Fremantle  was  near  General  Long  street  when  Pickett’s 
charge  was  made.  Standing  with  his  back  to  the  sun,  and  witnessing  the 
operation  on  the  great  slope  before  him,  he,  although  a soldier  by  pro- 
fession, was  so  thoroughly  possessed  with  the  wish  and  the  expectation  that 
the  Confederate  cause  might  succeed,  that  he  mistook  Pickett’s  awful  defeat 
for  a glorious  success,  and  rushing  up  to  General  Longstreet,  congratulated 
him  upon  it,  and  told  him  how  glad  he  was  to  be  there  and  see  it.  “Are 
you  indeed!”  said  Longstreet,  surprised,  “I  am  not.” 

That  was  the  end  of  the  battle  there.  Little  by  little  we  got  some 
guns  to  the  rear  to  replenish  and  refit,  and  get  in  condition  to  fight  again, 
and  some  we  held  boldly  in  advanced  positions  all  along  the  line.  * * * 


Story  of  the  Grand  Charge 

BY  JAMES  LONGSTEEET,  LIEUTENANT-GENERAL,  C.  S.  A. 

BOUT  1 : 00  P.M.,  everything  was  in  readiness.  The 
signal-guns  broke  the  prevailing  stillness,  and  imme- 
diately the  Confederate  cannon  burst  into  a deafening 
roar,  which  was  answered  by  a thunder  almost  as  great 
from  the  Federal  side.  The  great  artillery  combat  pro- 
ceeded. The  destruction  was  of  course  not  great;  but 
the  thunder  on  Seminary  Ridge,  and  the  echo  from 
Cemetery  Ridge  showed  that  both  commanders  were 
ready.  The  armies  seemed  like  mighty  wild  beasts  growling  at  each  other 
and  preparing  for  a death-struggle.  For  an  hour  and  a half  the  fire 
was  continued,  and  met  such  steady  response  on  the  part  of  the  Federals 
that  it  seemed  less  effective  than  we  had  anticipated.  I sent  word  to 
Colonel  Alexander  that  unless  he  could  do  something  more,  I would  not 
feel  warranted  in  ordering  the  troops  forward.  After  a little,  some  of 
the  Federal  batteries  ceased  firing,  and  Alexander  thought  the  most  suitable 
time  for  the  advance  had  come.  He  sent  word  to  Pickett  and  Pickett  rode 
to  my  headquarters.  As  he  came  up  he  asked  if  the  time  for  his  advance 
had  come.  I was  convinced  that  he  would  be  leading  his  troops  to  needless 
slaughter,  and  did  not  speak.  He  repeated  the  question,  and  without 
opening  my  lips,  I bowed  in  answer  (see  page  100).  In  a determined  voice, 
Pickett  said:  “Sir,  I shall  lead  my  division  forward.”  He  then  rode  hack 
to  his  command.  I mounted,  and  rode  to  a point  where  I could  observe  the 
troops. 

That  day  at  Gettysburg  was  one  of  the  saddest  of  my  life.  I foresaw 
what  my  men  would  meet,  and  would  gladly  have  given  up  my  position 
rather  than  share  in  the  responsibility  of  that  day.  It  was  thus  I felt  when 
Pickett  at  the  head  of  4,800  brave  men  marched  over  the  crest  of  Seminary 
Ridge  and  began  his  descent  of  the  slope.  As  he  passed  he  rode  gracefully, 
with  his  jaunty  cap  raked  well  over  on  his  right  ear,  and  his  long  auburn 
locks,  nicely  dressed,  hanging  almost  to  his  shoulders.  He  seemed  rather  a 
holiday  soldier  than  a general  at  the  head  of  a column  which  was  about  to 
make  one  of  the  grandest,  most  desperate  assaults  recorded  in  the  annals  of 
war.  Armistead  and  Garnett,  two  of  his  brigadiers,  were  veterans  of 
nearly  a quarter  of  a century’s  service.  Their  minds  seemed  absorbed  in 
the  men  behind,  and  in  the  bloody  work  before  them.  Kemper,  the  other 
brigadier,  was  younger,  hut  had  experienced  many  battles.  He  was  leading 
my  old  brigade  that  I had  drilled  on  Manassas  plains  before  the  first  battle 
on  that  noted  field.  The  troops  advanced  in  well -closed  ranks  and  with 
elastic  step,  their  faces  lightened  with  hope.  Before  them  lay  the  ground 
over  which  they  were  to  pass  to  a point  of  attack.  Intervening  were  several 

103 


104 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


fences,  a field  of  corn,  a little  swale  running  through  it  and  then  a rise 
fi’om  that  point  to  the  Federal  stronghold.  As  soon  as  Pickett  passed  the 
crest  of  the  hill,  the  Federals  had  a clear  view  and  opened  their  batteries, 
and  as  he  descended  the  eastern  slope  of  the  ridge  his  troops  received  a 
fearful  fire  from  the  batteries  in  front  and  from  Round  Top.  As  soon  as 
they  passed  my  batteries,  I ordered  my  artillery  to  turn  their  fire  against 
the  batteries  on  our  right  (Round  Top)  then  raking  my  lines.  I sent  an 
officer  to  caution  the  commanders  to  guard  against  that  move.  * * * 

After  crossing  the  swale,  the  troops  kept  the  same  steady  step,  but  met  a 
dreadful  fire  at  the  hands  of  the  Federal  sharpshooters ; and  as  soon  as  the 
field  was  open  the  Federal  infantry  poured  down  a terrific  fire  which  was 
kept  up  during  the  entire  assault.  The  slaughter  was  terrible,  the  enfilade 
fire  of  the  guns  on  Round  Top  being  very  destructive.  At  times  one  shell 
would  knock  down  five  or  six  men.  I dismounted  to  relieve  my  horse,  and 
was  standing  watching  closely  the  movements  of  the  troops.  As  Pickett’s 
division  concentrated  in  making  the  final  assault,  Kemper  fell  severely 
wounded.  As  the  division  threw  itself  against  the  Federal  line,  Garnett 
fell  and  expired,  “as  I have  since  learned  his  body  was  never  identified.” 
The  Confederate  flag  was  planted  in  the  Federal  line,  and  immediately 
Armistead  fell  mortally  wounded  at  the  feet  of  the  Federal  soldiers.  The 
wavering  division  then  seemed  appalled,  broke  their  ranks  and  retired. 
Immediately  the  Federals  swarmed  around  Pickett,  attacking  on  all  sides, 
enveloped  and  broke  his  command,  having  killed  and  wounded  more  than 
2,000  men  in  about  30  minutes.  They  then  drove  the  fragments  back  upon 
our  lines.  As  they  came  back  I fully  expected  to  see  General  Meade  ride 
to  the  front  and  lead  his  forces  to  a tremendous  counter-charge.  Sending 
my  staff  officers  to  assist  in  collecting  the  fragments  of  my  command,  I rode 
to  my  line  of  batteries,  knowing  they  were  all  I had  in  front  of  my  impend- 
ing attack,  resolved  to  drive  it  back  or  sacrifice  my  last  man  and  gun.  The 
Federals  were  advancing  a line  of  skirmishers  which  I thought  was  the 
advance  of  their  charge.  As  soon  as  the  line  of  skirmishers  disappeared, 
my  mind  was  relieved  of  the  apprehension  that  Meade  was  going  to  follow 
us. 

General  Lee  came  up  as  our  troops  were  falling  back,  encouraged  them 
as  well  as  he  could ; begged  them  to  reform  their  ranks  and  reorganize  their 
forces,  and  assisted  the  staff  officers  in  bringing  them  all  together  again.  It 
was  then  he  used  the  expression  that  has  been  mentioned  so  often : “It  was 
all  my  fault ; get  together,  and  let  us  do  the  best  we  can  toward  saving  that 
which  is  left  us.  ” * # # 

Of  Pickett’s  three  brigadiers,  General  Garnett  and  Armistead  were 
killed,  and  General  Kemper  dangerously  wounded.  Colonel  Fry,  who  com- 
manded General  Pettigrew’s  brigade,  which  adjoined  Garnett  on  the  left, 
was  also  left  on  the  field  desperately  wounded.  The  men  who  made  the 
attack  were  good  enough ! the  only  trouble  was,  there  were  not  enough  of 
them.  * * * 


Repelling  Lee’s  Last  Blow  at  Gettysburg 

BY  EDMUND  BICE,  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL,  U.  S.  A. 

HE  brigades  of  Harrow,  Webb  and  Hall,  of  Gibbon’s 
division,  Hancock’s  corps,  occupied  the  crest  on  Ceme- 
tery Ridge  on  July  3rd,  1863.  The  right  of  Hall’s  and  the 
left  of  Webb’s  brigades  were  in  a clump  of  trees,  called 
the  “Umbrella  Shaped  Trees,”  the  salient  of  our  posi- 
tion, and  this  grove  was  the  focus  of  the  most  fearful 
cannonade  ever  witnessed;  it  preceded  Pickett’s  charge. 
One  of  our  regiments,  the  72nd  Pa.  Yol.  Inf.,  in  Webb’s 
brigade,  was  a little  in  rear  of  the  left  of  its  command ; 
two  regiments,  19tli  Mass,  and  42nd  N.  Y.,  were  in  rear  right  of  their 
brigade. 

From  the  opposite  ridge,  three-quarters  of  a mile  away,  a line  of 
skirmishers  sprang  lightly  forward  out  of  the  woods,  and  with  intervals 
well  kept  moved  rapidly  down  into  the  open  fields,  closely  followed  by  a 
line  of  battle,  then  by  another,  and  by  yet  a 3rd,  almost  a mile  in  length. 
Both  sides  watched  this  never-to-be-forgotten  scene — the  grandeur  of  attack 
of  so  many  thousand  men.  Gibbon ’s  division,  which  was  to  stand  the  brunt 
of  the  assault,  looked  with  admiration  on  the  different  lines  of  the  Confed- 
erates marching  forward  with  easy  swinging  step,  and  our  men  were 
heard  to  explain : ‘ ‘ Here  they  come ! Here  they  come  ! Here  comes  their 
infantry ! ’ ’ Soon  little  puffs  of  smoke  issued  from  the  skirmish  line,  as  it 
came  dashing  forward,  firing  in  reply  to  our  own  skirmishers  in  the  plain 
below,  and  with  this  faint  rattle  of  musketry  the  stillness  was  broken ; 
never  hesitating  for  an  instant,  but  driving  our  men  before  it,  or  knocking 
them  over  by  a biting  fire,  as  they  rose  up  to  run  in  their  skirmish  line 
reached  the  fences  of  the  Emmitsburg  road.  This  was  Pickett’s  advance 
(see  page  100). 

I was  just  in  rear  of  the  brigade,  standing  upon  a boulder  in  front  of 
my  regiment,  the  19th  Mass.,  where  from  the  configuration  of  the  ground, 
I could  see  the  entire  formation  of  the  attacking  lines.  Pickett’s  separate 
brigade  lines  lost  their  formation  as  they  swept  across  the  Emmitsburg  road. 
They  pushed  on  toward  the  crest,  and  merged  into  one  crowding,  rushing 
column,  many  ranks  deep.  As  they  crossed  the  road,  Webb’s  infantry,  on 
the  right  of  the  trees  commenced  an  irregular,  hesitating  fire,  gradually 
increasing  to  a rapid  file  firing,  while  the  shrapnel  and  canister  from  the 
Union  cannon  tore  great  gaps  through  those  splendid  Virginia  battalions. 

The  men  of  our  brigade,  with  their  muskets  at  the  “ready,”  lay  in 
waiting.  One  could  plainly  hear  the  order  of  the  officers  as  they  com- 
manded, “Steady,  men,  steady!  Don’t  fire!”  and  not  a shot  was  fired  at 
the  advancing  hostile  line,  now  getting  closer  every  moment.  The  heavy 
file  firing  on  the  right  of  Webb’s  brigade  continued. 

105 


106 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


By  an  undulation  of  the  surface  of  the  ground  to  the  left  of  the 
‘ ‘ Clump  of  trees,  ’ ’ the  rapid  advance  of  the  dense  line  of  Confederates  was 
for  a moment  lost  to  view;  an  instant  after  they  seemed  to  rise  out  of  the 
earth,  and  so  near  that  the  expression  on  their  face  was  distinctly  seen, 
and  could  wait  no  longer.  Aiming  low,  they  opened  a deadly  concentrated 
discharge  upon  that  moving  mass  in  their  front.  Staggered  by  the  storm 
of  lead,  the  charging  line  hesitated,  answered  with  some  wild  firing  which 
soon  increased  to  a crashing  roll  of  musketry,  running  down  the  whole 
length  of  their  front,  and  then  all  that  portion  of  Pickett’s  division  which 
came  within  a zone  of  this  terrible  close  musketry  fire  appeared  to  melt 
and  drift  away  in  the  powder-smoke  of  both  sides.  At  this  juncture 
someone  behind  me  gave  the  quick  impatient  order,  “Forward,  men!  For- 
ward! Now  is  your  chance!”  I turned  and  saw  it  was  General  Hancock, 
who  was  passing  the  left  of  the  regiment.  He  checked  his  horse  and 
pointed  toward  the  clump  of  trees  to  our  right  and  front.  I construed  this 
into  an  order  for  both  regiments — the  19th  Mass,  and  42nd  N.  Y.- — to  run 
for  the  trees,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  breaking  through.  The  men  on 
the  left  of  our  regiment  heard  my  command,  and  were  up  and  on  the  run 
forward  before  the  42nd  N.  Y.,  which  did  not  hear  Hancock’s  order  until 
Colonel  Devereux  repeated  it  to  Colonel  Mallon. 

All  the  men  who  were  now  on  their  feet  could  see  to  the  right  and 
front,  Webb’s  wounded  men  with  a few  stragglers  and  several  limbers 
leaving  the  line,  as  the  battle  flags  of  Pickett’s  men  were  carried  over  it. 
With  a cheer  the  twTo  regiments  left  their  position  in  the  rear  of  Hall’s 
right,  and  made  an  impetuous  dash,  racing  diagonally  forward  for  the 
clump  of  trees.  Many  of  Webb’s  men  were  still  lying  down  in  their  places 
in  the  ranks  and  were  firing  at  those  who  followed  Pickett’s  advance,  which 
in  the  meantime,  had  passed  over  them.  This  could  be  determined  by  the 
puffs  of  smoke  issuing  from  their  muskets,  as  the  first  few  men  in  gray 
sprang  past  them  toward  the  cannon  only  a few  yards  away.  But  for  a 
few  moments  only  could  such  a fire  continue,  for  Pickett’s  disorganized 
mass  rolled  over,  beat  down,  and  smothered  it. 

One  battle  flag  after  another,  supported  by  Pickett’s  infantry,  ap- 
peared along  the  edge  of  the  trees,  until  the  whole  copse  seemed  literally 
crammed  with  men.  As  the  19th  Mass,  and  the  42nd  N.  Y.,  passed  along 
the  brigade  line,  on  our  left,  we  could  see  the  me'n  prone  in  their  places, 
unshaken,  and  firing  steadily  to  their  front,  beating  back  the  enemy.  I 
saw  one  leader  try  several  times  to  jump  his  horse  over  our  line.  He  was 
shot  by  some  of  the  men  near  me. 

The  two  regiments  in  a disorganized  state,  were  now  almost  at  right 
angles  with  the  remainder  of  the  brigade — the  left  of  the  19th  Mass,  being 
but  a few  yards  distant — and  the  officers  and  men  were  falling  fast  from 
the  enfilading  fire  of  the  hostile  line  in  front,  and  from  the  direct  fire  of 
those  who  were  crowded  in  among  the  trees.  The  advance  of  the  two 
regiments  became  so  thinned  that  for  a moment  there  was  a pause.  Captain 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


107 


Farrell,  of  the  1st  Minn,  regiment,  came  in  on  the  left.  As  we  greeted 
each  other  he  received  his  death-wound,  and  fell  in  front  of  his  men,  who 
now  began  firing. 

The  gaps  in  the  line  seemed  to  widen,  for  the  enemy  in  front,  being 
once  more  driven  by  a .terrible  musketry  in  their  very  faces,  left  to  join 
those  who  had  effected  an  entrance  through  Webb’s  line.  Seeing  no  longer 
an  enemy  in  front,  and  annoyed  by  a galling  fire  from  the  flank,  the  7th 
Mich,  and  59th  N.  Y.,  followed  by  the  20th  Mass,  and  the  regiments  of 
Harrow’s  brigade,  left  their  line,  faced  to  the  right,  and  in  groups  with  all 
order  of  organization  lost,  joined  in  the  rush  with  those  already  at  the  edge 
of  the  clump  of  trees ; all  cheering  and  yelling,  ‘ ‘ Hurrah ! for  the  white 
trefoil!”  “Clubs  are  trump  !”  “Forward  the  white  trefoil !”  (The  badge 
of  Gibbon’s  division — the  second  of  the  second  corps — was  the  white 
trefoil.) 

The  men  near  seemed  to  fire  very  slowly.  Those  in  the  rear,  though 
coming  up  at  a run,  seemed  to  drag  their  feet.  Many  were  firing,  through 
the  intervals  of  those  in  front,  in  their  eagerness  to  injure  the  enemy. 

The  men  in  gray  were  doing  all  that  was  possible  to  keep  off  the 
mixed  men  in  blue  who  were  moving  upon  them  swiftly  and  without  hesi- 
tation. I could  feel  the  touch  of  the  men  to  my  right  and  left,  as  we 
neared  the  edge  of  the  copse  of  trees.  The  grove  was  fairly  jammed  with 
Pickett’s  men,  lying  and  kneeling  firing  over  those  in  front.  By  the  side 
of  those  who  were  firing,  were  others  with  their  hands  up,  in  token  of  sur- 
render. In  particular,  I noticed  two  men,  not  a musket-length  away,  one 
aiming  so  that  I could  look  into  his  musket-barrel ; the  other,  lying  on 
his  back,  cooly  ramming  home  a cartridge.  A little  further  on  was  one  on 
his  knees  waving  something  white  with  both  hands.  Every  foot  of  ground 
was  occupied  by  men  engaged  in  mortal  combat,  or  lying  dead  or  wounded. 

A Confederate  battery,  near  the  Peach  Orchard,  commenced  firing, 
probably  at  the  sight  of  Harrow’s  men  leaving  their  line  and  closing  to  the 
right  upon  Pickett’s  column.  A common  shot  tore  a horrible  passage 
through  the  dense  crowd  of  men  in  blue,  instantly  another  followed,  and 
fairly  cut  a road  through  the  mass.  My  thoughts  were  to  bring  the  men 
forward,  where  I could  at  once  extinguish  that  destructive  musketry  and 
he  out  of  the  way  of  that  deadly  artillery  fire.  Voices  were  lost  in  the 
uproar;  so  I turned  partly  toward  my  men,  raised  my  sword  to  attract 
their  attention,  and  motioned  them  to  advance.  They  surged  forward,  and 
just  then,  as  I was  stepping  backward  with  my  face  to  the  men,  urging 
them  on,  I felt  a sharp  blow  as  a shot  struck  me,  then  another,  I whirled 
round,  my  sword  torn  from  my  hand  by  a bullet  or  shell  splinter.  My  visor 
saved  my  life,  but  the  shock  stunned  me.  As  I went  down  our  men  rushed 
forward  past  me,  capturing  battle  flags  and  making  prisoners.  Pickett’s 
division  lost  nearly  six-sevenths  of  its  officers  and  men.  Gibbon’s  division 
with  its  leader  wounded,  and  with  a loss  of  half  its  strength,  still  held  the 
crest  of  Cemetery  Ridge.  * * * 


108 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


A Contrast. — It  is  a little  difficult  to  understand  why  so  much  has  been  made  in 
literature  of  the  great  Pickett’s  Charge,  unless  perhaps,  it  is  owing  to  the  picturesque 
circumstances.  It  was  at  the  close  of  the  greatest  battle  of  the  Civil  War;  it  was 
heralded  by  the  mightiest  cannonade  of  the  war;  it  was  witnessed  by  two  great 
armies;  it  was  made  in  the  middle  of  the  afternoon  of  a hot  summer  day,  on  a gentle 
slope  with  the  sun  at  the  backs  of  the  assailants,  the  best  possible  arrangements  for  a 
grand  display;  it  exhibited  magnificent  courage  and  confidence  on  the  part  of  the 
soldiers  that  made  it,  and  quite  as  great  courage  and  confidence  on  the  part  of  those 
who  met  and  thwarted  it.  It  is,  perhaps,  for  these  reasons  that  it  has  been  made 
unduly  famous;  for,  after  all,  it  was  a blunder  and  a failure.  There  were  other 
charges  in  the  war  that  tested  quite  as  much  devotion  and  endurance  of  soldiers,  and 
they  were  not  all  failures.  The  charge  of  General  Hooker  and  General  Thomas  ’ men 
up  the  heights  of  Lookout  Mountain  and  Missionary  Ridge  was  even  more  picturesque, 
and  was  a grand  success.  The  Federal  position  at  Gettysburg  is  always  represented 
as  being  along  a ridge ; this  in  a general  way  is  true ; but  near  the  center  the  ridge 
is  so  low  that  it  almost  dies  away  into  a plain,  and  Pickett’s  men,  being  directed 
toward  this  point,  had  only  the  very  gentlest  of  slopes  to  ascend.  Gen.  A.  S.  Webb, 
whose  command  was  at  this  point,  said  in  conversation:  “We  had  no  intrenchments, 
not  a sod  was  turned.’’  “But  why  did  you  not  intrench?’’  “Because  we  never 
supposed  that  anybody  would  be  fool  enough  to  charge  up  there.  ’ ’ The  peril  to  the 
charging  column  was  more  from  the  cross-fire  from  the  batteries  on  the  higher  ground 
to  the  right  (Old  Cemetery)  and  left  (Round  Top),  than  from  the  direct  fire  in  front. 

“Pickett’s  three  brigades,  according  to  the  returns,  numbered  about  4,800  men, 
of  these  1,389  were  killed  or  wounded,  1,499  were  captured.  General  Trimble,  who 
commanded  Pender’s  brigades,  the  latter  officer  having  been  wounded,  was  captured 
in  the  assault.  ’ ’ 

“Of  the  15  field  officers  and  4 generals,  Pickett  and  one  lieutenant-colonel  alone 
returned  unharmed.  The  number  of  Confederate  troops  participating  in  this  move- 
ment was  18,000,  of  which  they  lost  more  than  12,000,  killed,  wounded  and  captured.” 
— (W.  K.  No.  44,  p.  645.) 


“Far  away  in  humble  cottage 
Sits  his  mother  sad  and  lone. 

And  her  eyes  are  red  with  weeping 
Thinking  of  her  absent  son.” 


Cavalry  Operations  on  the  Right, 

July  2nd  and  3rd,  1863 

AT  noon,  July  2nd,  the  brigades  of  McIntosh  and  J.  Irvin  Gregg,  of  Gen. 
D.  McM.  Gregg’s  cavalry  division,  reached  a point  on  the  Hanover 
road  about  three  miles  east  of  Rock  Creek,  where  the  Low  Dutch  or 
Salem  Church  road  connects  the  York,  Hanover  and  Baltimore  roads.  At 
this  time  a regiment  (9th  Mass.  Inf.)  of  the  5th  corps,  was  on  outpost  duty 
on  Brinkerhoff’s  Ridge.  At  3:30  P.M.,  this  regiment  was  relieved  by  the 
cavalry  and  joined  its  corps.  The  Confederate  outpost  on  the  Hanover 
road  at  Brinkerhoff ’s  Ridge  was  the  2nd  Va.  Inf.  regiment  of  Walker’s 
brigade  of  Johnson’s  division. 

At  6:00  P.M.,  a reconnoitering  squad  of  50  men  was  sent  forward  by 
the  cavalry  leaders  to  develop  the  Confederate  strength.  This  led  to  an 
engagement  between  the  Confederate  infantry  and  some  squadrons  of  dis- 
mounted Union  cavalry  on  the  ridge  near  the  Howard  House,  west  of 
Cress  Run.  As  Walker’s  regiment  was  repulsed,  he  reinforced  it  with  his 
whole  brigade,  and  was  therefore  absent  that  night  from  the  attack  on 
Culp’s  Hill.  At  10:00  P.M.,  the  Union  cavalry  retired  to  the  Baltimore 
road  at  White  Run,  a mile  southeast  of  Rock  Creek. 

The  orders  for  July  3rd  were  for  Gregg’s  division  to  move  back  to  the 
Hanover  road  to  protect  the  right  flank  of  the  Union  Army  and  Kilpatrick’s 
division  which  bivouacked  that  night  at  Two  Taverns,  to  replace  Buford’s 
division  on  the  left  flank.  By  mistake,  Custer’s  brigade  of  Kilpatrick’s 
division  moved  up  the  Low  Dutch  road  to  the  Hanover  road. 

Until  noon,  Custer  remained  in  the  vicinity  of  the  cross-roads  with 
out-post  squadrons  about  a mile  north  on  both  the  Low  Dutch,  and  road 
connecting  the  Low  Dutch  with  the  York  road.  J.  Irvin  Gregg’s  brigade 
was  massed  about  a quarter  of  a mile  south  of  the  Hanover  road.  He  had 
established  a skirmish  line  extending  from  the  Hanover  road  in  front,  west- 
ward to  Wolf  Hill,  where  it  connected  with  Neill’s  infantry  brigade  of  the 
6th  corps.  McIntosh’s  cavalry  brigade  was  massed  along  the  Low  Dutch 
road,  about  a half  mile  behind  Custer;  two  of  his  regiments  (1st  Penna., 
1st  Mass.)  were  absent  on  detached  duty.  He  had  been  reinforced  by  a 
company  of  Maryland  cavalry  and  a platoon  of  two  guns,  picked  up  while 
marching  to  the  field. 

About  noon,  General  D.  McM.  Gregg  received  a copy  of  a message 
from  General  Howard  to  General  Meade  informing  the  latter  that  a large 
cavalry  force  was  marching  toward  the  left  flank  of  their  army.  At  the 
same  time  he  also  received  an  order  from  General  Pleasonton  to  send 
Custer’s  brigade  to  Kilpatrick  as  originally  ordered.  To  comply  with  the 
latter  orders,  McIntosh’s  brigade  was  directed  to  relieve  Custer,  which  he 


109 


110 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


at  once  proceeded  to  do.  McIntosh  replaced  Custer’s  squadrons  in  the 
woods  at  the  cross-roads  by  the  1st  N.  J.,  placing  the  1st  Md.  and  3rd  Pa. 
south  or  in  rear  of  these  woods.  Custer’s  brigade  prepared  to  move  off  the 
field. 

Confederate  Cavalry. — General  J.  E.  B.  Stuart  with  three  brigades 
of  cavalry  reached  the  vicinity  of  Gettysburg  on  the  afternoon  of  July  2, 
where  he  was  joined  by  Col.  M.  J.  Ferguson  (16th  Va.)  vice  Jenkin’s 
(who  was  wounded  that  morning  at  Ilunterstown).  On  the  morning  of  the 
3rd,  with  the  brigades  of  Chambliss,  vice  W.  H.  F.  Lee  (who  was  wounded 
at  Brandy  Station  June  9),  moved  to  the  York  road  and  along  the  cross- 
roads toward  the  Low  Dutch  road.  He  knew  from  his  map  that  the  road 
he  was  following  would  enable  him  to  reach  the  Baltimore  road,  only  four 
miles  distant,  at  a point  two  miles  southeast  of  Rock  Creek.  He  would 
thus  be  in  rear  of  the  Federals  and  on  his  line  of  communications,  the  very 
point  where  he  could  make  a diversion  in  favor  of  General  Lee.  As  he 
reached  the  bend  of  the  road  he  halted  his  command  behind  the  woods  and 
rode  into  the  field  to  scan  the  country.  He  saw  it  opened  and  sloped 
gradually  southward.  None  of  the  Union  cavalry  were  in  sight,  as  General 
Gregg’s  troops  were  concealed  by  the  woods  and  ridge  on  Stuart’s  left. 
McIntosh’s  brigade  by  the  woods  at  the  fork  of  the  road,  and  Custer’s  men 
by  distance  and  minor  obstructions  on  the  field.  Ferguson  and  Chambliss 
were  placed  by  Stuart  in  the  woods,  and  a messenger  was  sent  to  bring  up 
Fitzhugh  Lee  and  Wade  Hampton. 

The  Cavalry  Battlefield. 

(See  Map  at  Front  of  Book.) 

The  field  upon  which  Stuart’s  cavalry  met  that  of  Gregg  is  about  three  miles  east 
of  Rock  Creek,  and  lies  in  the  northeast  angle  of  the  Hanover  and  Low  Dutch 
roads.  Its  western  boundary  is  Cress  Ridge,  which  extends  from  Granite  Hill  on  the 
York  road  to  the  Hanover  road  at  Cress’s  house;  its  elevation,  where  it  crosses  the 
road  by  which  Stuart  advanced,  is  about  100  feet  higher  than  the  elevation  at 
the  Hanover  and  Low  Dutch  roads. 

The  field  is  traversed  by  the  road  which  Stuart  advanced  and  by  a private  road 
running  east  and  west  near  the  Rummel  farm  buildings.  The  east  branch  of  Littles 
Run  rises  near  this  road  and  flows  parallel  to,  and , a mile  west  of  the  Low  Dutch 
road.  A woods  about  200  by  400  yards  extends  from  this  road  on  which  the  Con- 
federates reached  the  field,  southward  along  the  ridge.  This  is  the  woods  in  which  the 
Confederates  were  concealed.  Another  woods  about  350  yards  square  was  in  the 
southeast  angle  of  the  Low  Dutch  and  its  intersecting  roads.  In  this  woods  rested 
the  right  of  the  Union  cavalry.  Otherwise  the  ground  was  open,  but  divided  into 
fields  by  stone  and  rail  (worm  style)  fences,  which  had  to  be  thrown  down  for 
mounted  maneuvers.  The  Lott  house  is  about  a half  'mile  north  of  the  Hanover 
road,  and  is  about  300  yards  west  of  the  Low  Dutch  road.  The  Rummel  house  with 
its  large  barn  is  about  a mile  north  of  the  Hanover  road,  and  about  350  yards  south 
of  the  woods  in  which  the  Confederates  were  concealed.  « 


Note. — The  Count  de  Paris  states  (Vol.  iii.  A.M.  Ed.,  Hist,  of  Civil  War  in  America, 
p.  673),  that  General  Stuart’s  object  was  to  move  his  command  west  of  Cress’  Ridge,  so  as  to 
turn  the  left  of  the  Union  cavalry  unobserved,  and  thus  separate  it  from  the  rest  of  the  army, 
in  order  to  create  a panic  in  rear  of  the  main  Union  line  of  battle,  but  that  his  presence  having 
been  disclosed  by  the  debouching  of  Fitzhugh  Lee  and  Hampton’s  brigades  into  the  open  fields 
beyond  the  Rummel  Buildings,  and  McIntosh  having  forced  the  fighting,  he  ( Stuart ) was 
compelled  to  leave  those  brigades  to  detain  the  Union  cavalry  north  of  the  Hanover  road 
while  he  continued  his  movements  with  Ferguson  and  Chambliss’  brigades,  which  were  soon 
forced  to  join  in  the  fight,  the  consequence  being  that  he  was  prevented  from  accomplishing 
his  object.  * * * 


112 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


The  Cavalry  Battle. 

About  2:00  P.M.,  immediately  after  reaching  the  angle  of  the  road,  Ferguson’s 
brigade  took  possession  of  the  Rummel  place  and  Chambliss  was  put  in  the  woods  on 
his  left.  When  McIntosh  observed  the  troops  at  Rummel ’s  he  sent  the  1st  N.  J. 
regiment  dismounted  to  develop  their  strength.  Ferguson’s  troops  met  this  movement, 
which  was  soon  observed,  by  sending  his  dismounted  troops  to  occupy  the  line  of  fence 
along  Little ’s  Run.  McIntosh  sent  a part  of  the  3rd  Pa.  to  reinforce  the  1st  N.  J. 
and  the  remainder  to  occupy  the  woods  vacated  by  the  1st  N.  J.  He  also  sent  word 
to  Gen.  D.  McM.  Gregg  that  he  could  not  alone  hold  the  enemy  with  his  three  small 
regiments.  The  latter  thereupon  ordered  J.  Irvin  Gregg  to  move  to  the  Low  Dutch 
road,  and  ordered  General  Custer  to  remain  and  support  McIntosh  until  further  orders. 
Upon  reaching  the  field  itself  and  seeing  Fitzhugh  Lee  and  Hampton’s  brigades 
appear,  he  ordered  McIntosh’s  3rd  regiment  (1st  Md.)  to  occupy  the  woods  in  front 
and  protect  his  right  flank. 

The  Confederate  line  along  Little ’s  Run  was  strengthened  by  Chambliss  and  the 
line  was  prolonged  to  the  left  by  Hampton  and  Fitzhugh  Lee’s  brigades.  The  attack- 
ing Union  line  was  strengthened  on  the  left  by  the  5th  Mich,  and  on  the  right  by  a 
squadron  of  the  6th  Mich,  regiments.  These  attacks  were  aided  by  Pennington  and 
Randol’s  batteries  near  the  Hanover-Low  Dutch  roads,  which  soon  silenced  the  Con- 
federate battery  which  appeared  in  front  of  the  woods  north  of  Rummel ’s.  At  length 
Ferguson’s  troops,  who  had  only  ten  rounds  of  ammunition,  were  compelled  to  retire, 
and  the  Union  line  advanced  to  the  run.  Shortly  thereafter  the  Union  troops  retired 
for  the  same  reason,  and  were  pursued  by  two  of  Chambliss’s  regiments,  the  9th  and 
13th  Va.,  one  mounted  the  other  dismounted. 

The  7th  Mich,  regiment,  mounted,  was  sent  to  protect  the  right  flank  of  the 
retreating  troops  and  encountered  Chambliss’s  regiments  in  the  northwest  corner  of 
the  field  containing  the  Lott  house ; there  the  regiments  fought  over  stone  and  rail 
fence,  and  there  occurred  the  greatest  cavalry  fight  of  the  war,  known  in  history  as 
the  “saber  fight.’’  Horses  reared  into  the  air  and  rebounded  many  feet  (see  page  111). 

While  thus  engaged  the  1st  Va.,  one  of  Fitzhugh  Lee’s  regiments,  charged  upon 
the  right  of  the  7th  Mich.,  and  two  of  Hampton’s  regiments,  the  1st  N.  C.  and  Davis’s 
legion  on  its  front  and  left.  The  7th  Mich,  fell  back  and  the  1st  Va.  almost  reached 
a platoon  of  artillery  and  charged  in  flank  by  the  5th  Mich,  who  were  also  forced  back. 
This  was  followed  by  the  final  charge  of  the  remaining  regiments  of  Fitzhugh  Lee  and 
Hampton’s  brigades,  save  one  regiment  of  each  held  in  reserve.  This  attack,  made  in 
column  of  squadrons,  was  met  first  by  the  artillery  and  then  by  the  last  regiment, 
the  1st  Mich,  (see  page  111),  of  Custer’s  brigade,  under  his  personal  leadership.  The 
column  was  charged  by  squadrons  of  the  3rd  Pa.  and  1st  N.  J.,  which  had  fought 
dismounted  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  engagement  were  now  again  mounted,  also  by 
such  scattered  troopers  as  could  be  collected  by  McIntosh.  The  successive  shocks 
caused  the  Confederates  to  fall  back  to  their  original  position  and  at  5 : 00  P.M.,  the 
fight  was  over.  In  this  last  attack  Generals  Wade  Hampton  and  Fitzhugh  Lee  were 
wounded. 

Immediately  after  the  fight  the  Union  picket  line  was  re-established  along  Little’s 
Run,  which  had  been  the  scene  of  the  dismounted  fighting,  and  the  Confederate  line 
was  established  at  Rummel ’s  and  in  the  woods  to  the  north.  Gen.  J.  Irvin  Gregg ’s 
brigade  wras  not  engaged  in  the  fight,  but  held  in  reserve  along  the  Low  Dutch  road 
south  of  the  Hanover  road. 

Correct  statement  prepared  by  the  War  Department,  are  as  follows:  July  3rd.  in 
McIntosh ’s,  J.  Irvin  Gregg ’s  and  Custer ’s  brigades,  1 officer  and  29  enlisted  men  killed ; 
18  officers  and  131  enlisted  men  wounded;  75  enlisted  men  missing;  total  254.  But 
total  on  right  July  2nd  and  3rd,  313.  This  estimate  does  not  include  the  batteries. 

General  Stuart’s  report  says:  “Thus  having  three  brigades  in  my  front,  num- 
bering about  5,000  troopers.  He  had  himself  no  less  than  6,000  sabers  in  the  four 
brigades  placed  under  his  command.  My  losses  were:  36  killed,  140  wounded,  64 
missing;  total  240.  No  report  of  Ferguson’s  brigade  pr  his  artillery  obtained.”  * * * 


ON  the  eve  of  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg,  Capt.  Elon  J.  Farnsworth  of  the  8th  111. 
cavalry  regiment,  an  aide  on  General  Pleasonton ’s  staff,  was  promoted  for  gal- 
lantry to  brigadier-general  and  given  command  of  a brigade  in  General  Kil- 
patrick’s division,  consisting  of  the  5tli  N.  Y.,  18th  Pa.,  1st  Yt.  and  1st  W.  Va. 
regiments. 

On  the  morning  of  July  3rd,  the  brigade  moved  from  Two  Taverns  to  the  field  west 
of  Big  Bound  Top,  and  being  joined  by  Merritt’s  brigade  of  Buford’s  division,  formed 
a line  extending  from  Plum  Run  to  Willoughby  Bun.  The  right  of  the  line  rested  on 
a wooded  knoll,  covered  with  boulders,  which  is  separated  from  Bound  Top  by  Plum 
Bun  gorge.  Farnsworth’s  brigade  held  this  hill,  and  a short  distance  to  the  left  was 
Elder’s  battery  E,  4th  U.  S.  Merritt’s  brigade  extended  his  line  to  Willoughby  Bun, 
with  Graham’s  battery  K,  1st  U.  S.,  near  the  Emmitsburg  road. 

Kilpatrick ’s  orders  were  to  press  the  enemy,  to  threaten  him  at  every  point,  and 
to  strike  at  the  first  opportunity,  with  an  emphatic  intimation  that  the  best  battle 
news  could  be  brought  by  the  wind.  His  opportunity  had  now  come.  If  he  could 
bring  on  a battle,  drive  back  the  enemy  by  breaking  their  line  on  Big  Bound  Top, 
Meade’s  infantry  could  surely  drive  them  into  the  valley,  and  then  the  5,000  cavalry 
in  reserve  could  strike  the  decisive  blow. 

To  meet  this  flank  movement,  General  Laws,  who  now  commanded  Hood's  division, 
sent  the  1st  Texas  regiment  to  form  a line  across  the  valley  from  Plum  Bun  to 
Schneider’s  ridge;  this  regiment  intrenched  itself  behind  the  stone  fence  at  the  foot 
of  the  wooded  knoll  occupied  by  Farnsworth.  Anderson ’s  brigade  was  also  withdrawn 
from  the  line  and  sent  to  prolong  the  line  of  the  1st  Texas  to  Willoughby  Bun.  The 

brigades  of  Sheffield  (vice  Law’s)  and  Robertson's,  lay  behind  stone  walls,  which  they 

had  thrown  up  on  the  west  face  of  Big  Bound  Top  parallel  to  Plum  Bun.  Hood’s 
artillery  was  along  the  ridge  behind  the  line.  The  operation  of  note,  were  the  mounted 
charges  made  by  different  units  of  Farnsworth’s  brigade,  in  which  the  brigade  com- 
mander was  killed.  * * * (See  page  111.) 

The  1st  W.  Va.  regiment  was  selected  to  attack  the  1st  Texas  infantry  regiment. 

The  3rd  battalion  of  the  1st  Vt.  was  thrown  out  as  skirmishers;  the  1st  and  2nd 

battalions  were  held  for  the  charge  on  the  Bound  Top.  The  1st  W.  Va.  charged  at  our 
left  and  front  dowm  the  open  valley,  in  the  direction  but  to  the  right  of  the  Bushman 
house,  upon  the  1st  Texas  regiment,  which  was  in  line  behind  a rail  fence  that  had 
been  staked  and  bound  with  withes.  A thin  line  shot  forward  and  attempted  to  throw 
the  rails,  tugging  at  the  stakes,  cutting  with  their  sabers,  and  failing  in  the  vain  effort. 
The  regiment  came  on  in  magnificent  style,  and  received  a deadly  volley  before  which 
it  recoiled,  rallied,  charged  the  second  time,  and  fell  back  with  great  loss. 

113 


8 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


114 


I was  near  General  Kilpatrick  when  he  impetuously  gave  the  order  to  General 
Farnsworth  to  make  the  last  charge.  Farnsworth  spoke  with  emotion:  “General,  do 
you  mean  it?  Shall  I throw  my  handful  of  men  over  rough  ground,  through  timber, 
against  a brigade  of  infantry.  The  1st  Vt.  has  already  been  fought  half  to  pieces; 
these  are  too  good  men  to  kill.’’  Kilpatrick  said:  “Do  you  refuse  to  obey  my  orders? 
If  you  are  afraid  to  lead  this  charge,  I will  lead  it.  Farnsworth  rose  in  his  stirrups — 
he  looked  magnificent  in  his  passion— and  cried,  ‘ ‘ Take  that  back ! ’ ’ Kilpatrick 
returned  his  defiance,  but,  soon  repenting,  said : “I  did  not  mean  it. ’ ’ For  a moment 
there  was  silence,  when  Farnsworth  spoke  calmly,  ‘ ‘ General,  if  you  order  the  charge, 
I will  lead  it,  but  you  must  take  the  responsibility.”  I did  not  hear  the  low  con- 
versation that  followed,  but  as  Farnsworth  turned  away  he  said:  “I  will  obey  your 
orders.”  Kilpatrick  said  earnestly,  “I  will  take  the  responsibility.”  * * * We 

rode  out  in  columns  of  fours  with  drawn  sabers.  General  Farnsworth,  after  giving 
the  orders  to  me,  took  his  place  at  the  head  of  the  2nd  battalion;  Major  Wells  com- 
manded the  same.  In  this  action  I commanded  the  1st  battalion.  Captain  Cushman 
and  Lieutenant  Watson  rode  with  me;  General  Farnsworth  and  Adjutant-General 
Estes  rode  with  Major  Wells. 

As  the  1st  battalion  rode  through  the  line  of  our  dismounted  skirmishers,  who 
were  falling  back,  they  cried  us  to  halt.  As  we  passed  out  from  the  cover  of  the 
woods  the  1st  W.  Va.  was  retiring  in  disorder  on  our  left.  We  rode  through  the 
enemy’s  skirmish  line  across  the  fields,  over  the  low  fences,  past  the  Schneider  house, 
and  down  the  road.  The  sun  was  blinding;  Captain  Cushman  shaded  his  eyes  with 
his  hand  and  cried:  “An  ambuscade!”  We  wTere  immediately  upon  the  enemy,  and 
the  deadly  volley  which  is  referred  to,  in  the  Confederate  report  was  fired,  but  it 
passed  over  our  heads ; although  they  report  that  one-half  of  our  saddles  were  empty, 
not  a man  was  shot;  yet  the  fire  was  the  close  and  concentrated  volley  of  the 
regiment.  * * * * 

(After  describing  the  charge  of  the  two  battalions  over  boulders  and  stone  fences 
into  the  heart  of  the  enemy’s  camps,  and  the  return  charge  through  two  lines  of  Con- 
federates, Captain  Parson  concludes  as  follows)  : The  whole  number  who  rode  with 
Farnsworth  was  about  300.  Their  casualties  were  65.  They  brought  in  over  100 
prisoners;  they  rode  within  the  Confederate  lines  nearly  a mile;  they  received  at  short 
range  the  direct  or  enfilading  fire  from  three  regiments  of  infantry  and  a battery  of 
artillery;  they  drew  two  regiments  out  of  line  and  held  them  permanently  in  new 
positions,  breaking  the  Confederate  front  and  exposing  it  to  an  infantry  charge  if 
one  had  been  immediately  ordered.*  Their  assault  was  so  bold  that  the  Confederates 
received  it  as  the  advance  of  a grand  attack,  and  finding  themselves  exposed  to 
infantry  in  front  and  cavalry  in  the  rear,  they  were  uncertain  of  their  position.  Why 
the  Union  infantry,  when  they  heard  fighting  in  Law’s  rear,  or  when,  afterward,  we 
delivered  to  their  skirmish  line  our  prisoners,  did  not  advance  and  drive  his  brigade 
into  the  valley  where  it  would  have  been  exposed  to  a general  flank  attack,  has  never 
been  explained;  but  it  was  not  “a  charge  of  madmen  with  a mad  leader.”  We 
believed,  and  yet  believe,  that  Farnsworth’s  charge  was  wisely  ordered,  well  timed, 
well  executed  and  effective. 

The  behavior  of  the  horses  in  this  action  was  admirable.  Punning  low  and  swift, 
as  in  a race;  in  their  terror  surrendering  to  their  masters,  and  guided  by  the  slightest 
touch  on  the  neck;  never  refusing  a fence  or  breaking  from  the  column;  crowding 
together  and  to  the  front,  yet  avoiding  the  many  obstacles  with  intelligence,  they  carried 
their  rider  over  rocks  and  fallen  timber,  that  the  boldest  hunter  would  hardly  attempt 

today,  and  I doubt  if  there  was  a single  fall  of  man  or  horse,  except  from  a shot  of 

the  enemy.  * * * There  was  no  charging  of  cannon,  no  sabering  of  men.  Farns- 
worth and  his  troopers  understood  that  they  were  to  draw  the  enemy’s  fire,  to  create 


*Maj.-Gen.  E.  M.  Laxos  commanding  Hood’s  division  on  the  3rd  day,  says  in  the  Century 
Magazine  December,  1888,  p.  304  : “It  was  impossible  to  use  our  artillery  to  any  advantage, 
owing  to  the  close  quarters  of  the  attacking  cavalry  with  our  own  men — the  leading  squadron 
forcing  their  horses  up  to  the  very  muzzles  of  the  rifles  of  our  infantry.” 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


115 


a diversion,  preparatory  to  the  main  movement.  They  were  to  ride  as  deep  into  the 
enemy’s  lines  as  possible  to  disclose  his  plan  and  force  his  positions.  The  taking  of  the 
prisoners  on  the  return  was  an  accident.  There  was  no  encouragement  of  onlooking 
armies,  no  cheer,  no  bravado ; each  man  felt  as  he  tightened  his  saber  belt,  that  he 
was  summoned  to  ride  to  death. 

Farnsworth  fell  in  the  enemy’s  lines,  with  his  saber  raised,  with  several  mortal 
wounds*  and  without  fame.  So  fell  this  typical  volunteer  soldier  of  America,  a man 
without  military  training,  yet  born  with  a genius  of  war  which  carried  him  to  high 
command,  and  to  the  threshold  of  a great  career.f  * * * 

Maj.-Gen.  St.  Clair  A.  Mulholland,  in  Penna.  at  Gettysburg,  p.  635,  says:  “On 
the  morning  of  the  5th  of  July  we  found  the  Confederates  had  gone,  and  then 
what  a scene;  what  a cheer  went  up;  a cheer  that  swelled  into  a roar  and  was 
taken  up  by  the  boys  in  blue  on  Cemetery  Hill,  and  rolled  along  the  ridge  to  Pound 
Top,  and  then  back  again.  Cheers  for  the  Philadelphia  brigade  that  stood  a living 
wall  against  which  the  hosts  beat  in  vain.  Cheers  for  Meade,  a soldier  “without  fear 
or  reproach,”  who  here  began  with  a great  victory.  Cheers  for  Hancock,  who  had 
stemmed  the  tide  of  defeat  on  the  first  day  and  selected  the  ground  on  which  this 
glorious  victory  was  achieved,  who  on  the  second  day  had  again  stopped  the  tide  of 
defeat  and  restored  our  shattered  lines,  and  on  the  third  day  had  met  and  repulsed  the 
final  assault  on  which  Lee’s  all  was  staked,  and  won  the  battle  that  was  the  death- 
blow to  the  Rebellion.  ’ ’ 

General  Meade  has  done  well  and  noble,  when  his  lamest  action  is  contrasted  with 
that  of  the  controlling  military  mind  at  Washington.  For  ever  under  the  hampering 
imposed  upon  him,  he  has  not  only  defeated  Lee’s  heretofore  victorious  army,  but  in 
doing  that  great  feat  of  arms  he  has  also  repelled  the  Confederate  invasion  and 
defeated  all  that  its  success  wrould  have  accomplished,  both  at  home  and  abroad.  He 
has  unwittingly  sealed  the  doom  of  the  Confederacy,  and  defeated  those  who  schemed 
and  plotted  against  the  American  Republic.  All  thanks,  then,  to  Maj.-Gen.  George  G. 
Meade,  who  in  failing  to  secure  the  essential  substance  of  the  Gettysburg  campaign, 
thereby  missed  the  personal  crown  of  glory,  more  than  once  offered  through  the  ability 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  during  its  continuance. 

Again  we  hear  the  call,  and  in  its  tones  a vail  of  anxiety  almost  grief — 
“Watchman,  what  of  the  night?”  The  answer  is  heard  all  over  the  land — “All’s 
well.  The  Army  of  the  Potomac  has  gained  a great  victory.” 


* General  Laics  further  states  on  p.  305 : “As  General  Farnsworth  fell  to  the  ground. 
Lieutenant  Adrian,  of  the  15th  Ala.  Regiment,  approached  him  and  demanded  his  surrender. 
He  curtly  refused,  at  the  same  time  killing  himself  with  his  pistol,  which  he  still  held  in 
his  hand. 

tGeneral  Farnsworth's  commission  was  dated  June  29,  five  days  before  his  death.  As  he 
had  been  on  detached  service,  it  did  not  reach  him,  being  carried  among  General  Pleasonton's 
headquarters  papers  until  after  the  battle.  General  Kilpatrick's  official  report,  Vol.  27,  p.  993  : 
“We  lost  4 officers  killed,  13  wounded,  4 missing;  34  enlisted  men  killed,  138  wounded,  117 
missing ; total  319. 


WHEN  night  closed  the  struggle,  July  3rd,  Lee's  army  was  repulsed.  We  all  knew 
that  the  day  had  gone  against  us,  but  the  full  extent  of  the  disaster  was  only 
known  in  high  quarters.  The  carnage  of  the  day  was  generally  understood  to  have 
been  frightful;  yet  our  army  was  not  in  retreat,  and  it  was  surmised  in  camp  that  with 
tomorrow’s  dawn  would  come  a renewal  of  the  struggle.  All  felt  and  appreciated  the 
momentous  consequences  to  the  cause  of  southern  independence  of  final  defeat  or 
victory  on  that  great  field.  It  was  a warm  rainy  summer  night;  there  were  few 
camp-fires.  The  weary  men  were  lying  in  groups,  discussing  the  event  of  the  day, 
speculating  on  the  morrow,  or  watching  that  our  horses  did  not  straggle  off  while 
browsing.  About  11 : 00  P.M.,  a horseman  came  to  summon  me  to  General  Lee.  I 
promptly  mounted  and  accompanied  by  an  aide  on  my  staff,  and  guided  by  the  courier 
who  brought  the  message,  rode  about  a mile  toward  Gettysburg  to  General  Lee’s 
headquarters.  On  inquiry,  I found  that  he  was  not  there,  but  had  gone  to  the  head- 
quarters of  General  Hill,  a mile  further  south.  When  we  reached  the  place  indicated,  a 
flickering  candle  visible  from  the  road  through  the  open  front  of  a common  wall-tent 
exposed  to  view  General  Lee  and  Hill  seated  on  camp-stools  with  a map  spread  upon 
their  knees.  Dismounting,  I approached  on  foot.  After  exchanging  the  ordinary 
salutations,  General  Lee  directed  me  to  go  back  to  his  headquarters  and  wait  for  him. 
I did  so,  but  he  did  not  make  his  appearance  until  about  1 : 00  A.M.,  when  he  came 
riding  alone  at  a slow  walk,  and  evidently  wrapped  in  profound  thought. 

When  he  arrived  there  was  not  even  a sentinel  on  duty  at  his  tent,  and  no  one 
of  his  staff  awake.  As  he  approached  and  saw  us  under  a tree,  he  spoke,  reined  in 
his  jagged  horse,  and  essayed  to  dismount,  the  effort  to  do  so  betrayed  so  much 
physical  exhaustion  that  I hurriedly  stepped  forward  to  assist  him,  but  before  I 
reached  his  side  he  had  succeeded  in  alighting,  and  threw  his  arm  across  the  saddle 
to  rest,  and  fixing  his  eyes  upon  the  ground,  leaned  in  silence  and  almost  motionless 
upon  his  equally  weary  horse,- — the  two  forming  a striking  and  never-to-be-forgotten 
group.  The  light  from  a close-by  camp  fire,  shone  full  upon  his  massive  features,  and  re- 
vealed an  expression  of  sadness  that  I never  had  before  seen  upon  his  face.  Awed  by  his 
appearance,  I waited  for  him  to  speak  until  the  silence  became  embarrassing,  when, 
to  break  it  and  change  the  silent  current  of  his  thoughts,  I ventured  to  remark,  in  a 
sympathetic  tone,  and  in  allusion  to  his  great  fatigue;  “General,  this  has  been  a hard 
day  on  you.’’  He  looked  up,  and  replied  mournfully,  “Yes,  it  hds  been  a sad,  sad 
day  to  us,’’  and  immediately  lapsed  into  his  thoughtful  mood  and  attitude.  Being 
unwilling  again  to  intrude  upon  his  reflections,  I said  no  more.  After  perhaps  a 
minute  or  two,  he  suddenly  straightened  up  to  his  full  height,  and  turning  to  me  with 
more  animation  and  excitement  of  manner  than  I had  ever  seen  in  him  before,  for  he 
was  a man  of  wonderful  equanimity,  he  said  in  a voice  tremendous  with  emotion : 

‘ ‘ I never  saw  troops  behave  more  magnificently  than  Piclcett  ’s  division  did  today  in 
that  grand  charge;  and  if  they  had  been  supported  as  they  were  to  have  been — 
but,  for  some  reason  not  fully  explained  to  me  were  not — we  would  have  held  that 


116 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


117 


position  and  the  day  would  have  been  ours.  ’ ’ After  a moment ’s  pause  he  added  in  a 
loud  voice,  in  a tone  almost  of  agony,  “Too  bad!  too  bad;  OH!  TOO  BAD!  ” 

I shall  never  forget  his  language,  his  manner,  and  his  appearance  of  mental 
suffering;  in  a few  moments  all  emotion  was  suppressed,  and  he  spoke  feelingly  of 
several  of  his  fallen  and  trusted  officers.  He  invited  me  into  his  tent  and  as  soon 
as  we  were  seated  he  remarked:  “We  must  now  return  to  Virginia  A.s  many  of  our 
poor  wounded  as  possible  must  be  taken  home.  I have  sent  for  you  because  your 
men  and  horses  are  fresh  and  in  good  condition  to  guard  and  conduct  our  train  back 
to  Virginia.  The  duty  will  be  arduous,  responsible  and  dangerous,  for  I am  afraid 
you  will  be  harassed  by  the  Union  cavalry.  How  many  men  have  you?’’ 

“About  2,100  effective  present,  and  all  well  mounted,  including  McClanahan’ s 
6-gun  battery  of  horse  artillery.” 

“I  can  spare  you  as  much  artillery  as  you  require,”  he  said,  “but  no  other 
troops  as  I shall  need  all  I have  to  return  safely  by  a shorter  route  than  yours.  The 
batteries  are  generally  short  of  ammunition,  but  you  will  probably  meet  a supply  I 
have  ordered  from  Winchester,  Va.,  to  Williamsport,  Md.  Nearly  all  the  transportation 
and  the  care  of  all  the  wounded  will  be  intrusted  to  you.  You  will  recross  the 
mountains  by  the  Chambersburg  road,  and  then  proceed  to  Williamsport  by  any  route 
you  may  deem  best,  and  without  a halt  until  you  reach  the  Potomac  Eiver,  rest  there 
long  enough  to  feed  your  animals;  and  do  not  halt  again  until  you  reach  Winchester, 
where  I will  again  communicate  with  you. 

That  night  and  early  next  morning,  Ewell’s  corps  was  withdrawn  from  the  town 
and  south  of  it,  to  west  of  Seminary  Ridge  and  Stuart’s  cavalry,  was  ordered  to  move 
to  the  extreme  right  of  the  Confederate  Army,  leaving  Fitzliugh  Lee’s  and  Hampton’s 
brigades  on  the  Chambersburg  road  to  assist  in  guarding  the  trains,  that  were  being 
collected  on  the  same  road.  Also  all  the  wounded  and  prisoners,  ammunition,  artillery 
and  general  supply  trains.  At  about  2 : 00  P.M.,  we  started,  with  the  wounded  first, 
marching  through  Cashtown,  Greenwood  to  Greencastle,  my  column  being  16  miles 
long,  including  my  brigade  assisted  by  those  of  Fitzliugh  Lee  and  Hampton,  and  23 
guns. 

General  Imboden  describes  it  as  one  of  the  most  pitiful  and  heart-rending  scenes 
ever  witnessed.  ‘ ‘ It  was  in  a furious  rain,  drenching  the  soldiers  and  transforming 
the  roads  into  a sea  of  mud  (see  page  118),  through  which  it  was  almost  impossible 
for  the  men  and  horses  to  force  their  way.”  Few  of  the  wounded  had  been  properly 
eared  for,  their  ambulance  and  common  wagons  being  crowded,  they  were  jolted  along 
in  agony ; they  were  groaning,  cursing,  babbling  of  their  homes  and  calling  upon 
their  friends  to  kill  them  and  put  them  out  of  misery.  But  there  could  be  no  halt  for 
the  Potomac  was  rising,  and  an  attack  was  hourly  expected  from  the  Federals  then  in 
our  rear. 

The  head  of  my  column  reached  Williamsport  (via  Hagerstown),  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  5th  and  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  all  the  wagons  were  at  the  river.  The  two 
brigades  which  acted  as  our  rear  guard,  did  not  reach  Williamsport  until  that  evening.* 

When  we  reached  the  river  we  found  that  the  heavy  rains  had  raised  it  level  above 
its  fording  height.  Being  informed  that  the  pontoon  bridge  (see  page  118)  at  Falling 
Waters,  had  been  destroyed  the  day  before  by  the  Union  cavalry  sent  from  Frederick. 
We  were  therefore  obliged  to  intrench  our  position,  and  send  the  wagons  with  the 
wounded  over  on  small  flat  boats.  We  were  here  reinforced  by  two  of  Early’s  regi- 
ments (13th  Va.  “Smith’s,”  54tli  N.  C.  “ Every’ s”  brigades),  which  escorted  an 
ammunition  train  from  Winchester. 

On  the  afternoon  of  July  6th,  we  were  attacked  by  Buford ’s  cavalry.  ‘ 1 By  arming 
the  teamsters  and  the  least  seriously  wounded  soldiers,  we  were  able  to  hold  our  own 
until  the  approach  of  Stuart’s  six  brigades,  which  caused  Buford  to  fall  back  and 
guard  his  own  communications.  The  trains  were  not  again  attacked.  My  columns  had 
been  ferried  over  the  river  and  marched  to  Winchester,  Va.  ” * * * * 

*At  Greenwood,  General  Gregg’s  cavalry  overtook  the  rear  guard  and  had  an  unimportant 
skirmish  with  it.  At  Greencastle,  the  column  was  attacked  hy  a picked  body  of  200  cavalry 
sent  from  General  Milroy’s  old  command,  which  had  been  assembled  near  Bedford ; they 
captured  and  destroyed  about  60  wagons,  and  a number  of  stragglers. 


THE  PONTOON  BRIDGES 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


119 


Lee’s  Army  on  Retreat. 

On  July  4th,  General  Lee  gave  his  final  order  for  the  retreat.  At  about  7:  00  A.M., 
the  corps  trains  began  to  move  along  the  Fairfield  road  toward  Monterey  Gap, 
then  the  corps  of  Hill,  Longstreet  and  Ewell.  The  movement  was  to  begin  at 
daylight.  Robertson,  who  vcas  at  Fairfield  with  his  own  and  Jones’  brigade  of 
cavalry  was  to  assist  in  protecting  the  trains,  while  Stuart,  with  the  brigades  of 
Chambliss  and  Ferguson,  was  to  move  to  Emmitsburg  and  watch  the  roads  leading  to 
the  mountains. 

The  trains  were  not  properly  guarded,  since  Iverson’s  infantry  brigade  had  not 
reached  its  position  in  the  columns,  and  Stuart  had  not  had  time  to  place  his  cavalry 
astride  the  road  running  from  Emmitsburg  to  Monterey  Gap.  This  road  was  guarded 
only  by  a single  company  of  Maryland  cavalry  on  patrol  duty.*  The  train  having  been 
observed  by  the  signal  officers  on  Eound  Top.  General  Kilpatrick,  who  had  been 
moved  to  Emmitsburg,  was  directed  to  move  on  Monterey  Pass  and  attack  it. 

They  reached  the  mountains  about  dusk  in  a rain-storm.  The  officer  in  command 
of  the  Confederate  patrol  at  once  rode  to  the  train  passing  in  his  rear  and  ordered 
the  wagons  to  be  driven  in  haste  to  Williamsport.  He  also  ordered  the  wagons  which 
had  not  reached  the  fork  of  the  road  to  be  stopped.  He  then  returned  to  his  station 
and  made  such  demonstrations  of  resistance  that  he  deceived  Kilpatrick  and  succeeded 
in  delaying  his  advance.  He  thus  saved  the  first  section  of  the  train,  which  reached 
Williamsport  in  safety.  As  the  road  had  to  be  cleared  for  the  troops,  the  head  of  the 
second  section  could  only  stop  long  enough  to  close  up  and  then  was  obliged  to  move 
on.  When  Kilpatrick  finally  brushed  aside  the  patrol,  he  found  a part  of  the  second 
section  in  his  front  and  took  it  with  him  to  Smithburg,  Md. 

On  the  morning  of  July  5th,  General  Stuart,  with  the  brigades  of  Chambliss  and 
Ferguson,  reached  Emmitsburg  and  there  learned  that  he  was  too  late  to  stop  Kil- 
patrick. He  at  once  decided  to  seek  him  by  crossing  the  mountains  by  the  Mechanics- 
town,  Md.,  road.  As  he  was  leaving  the  mountains  in  the  afternoon,  he  found  Kil- 
patrick’s cavalry  in  his  front,  and  was  therefore  unable  to  get  through  the  passes. 
Towards  evening  the  Union  cavalry  withdrew  to  Boonsboro,  and  Stuart  advanced 
to  Smithburg,  Md. 

On  the  morning  of  the  6th,  Buford  and  Kilpatrick  with  six  brigades  of  cavalry 
were  at  Boonsboro,  and  it  was  agreed  between  them  that  Kilpatrick  with  his  three 
brigades  should  go  to  Hagerstown  and  delay  the  advance  of  the  Confederate  Army, 
while  Buford  marched  with  his  forces  to  Williamsport  to  capture  their  trains. 
Stuart  was  at  Smithburg  on  the  above  morning  where  he  was  joined  by  the  brigades 
of  Eobertson  and  Jones.  That  morning  he  started  for  Hagerstown  and  found  Rich- 
mond’s brigade  of  Kilpatrick’s  division  in  the  town  and  Huey’s  brigade  in  support. 
Stuart  attacked  them  vigorously  with  all  his  cavalry,  aided  by  Iverson’s  brigade  of  in- 
fantry. He  drove  Richmond’s  brigade  back  on  the  Boonsboro  road  and  Huey’s  brigade 
on  the  Williamsport  road.  It  was  the  noise  of  Stuart’s  guns  in  their  rear  that  caused 
Buford  and  Custer’s  cavalry  troops  to  retire  from  Imboden’s  front  before  piercing  his 
lines.  That  night  Buford  and  Kilpatrick’s  cavalry  were  again  in  Boonsboro,  Stuart’s 
cavalry  now  joined  by  the  brigades  of  Fitzhugh  Lee  and  Hampton,  was  posted  along 
the  Antietam  Creek. 

On  the  morning  of  July  7th,  Stuart  strengthened  his  cavalry  line  by  securing 
Wofford’s  infantry  brigade  from  General  Longstreet ; this  was  posted  on  the  Boons- 
boro-Williamsport  road,  in  rear  of  the  cavalry.  Anderson’s  brigade  of  Hood’s  division 
was  at  the  time  on  the  Antietam  Creek  at  Funkstown,  Md. 

July  9th-10th,  there  were  also  indecisive  engagements  on  the  Boonsboro-Hagerstown 
road,  in  which  Anderson’s  brigade  took  part.  At  the  same  time  intrenchments  was 
established  around  Williamsport  and  Falling  Waters.  The  cavalry  was  withdrawn 
from  the  front  and  placed  on  the  left  flank. 


♦Part  of  the  1st  Md.  battalion  of  Hampton’s  brigade.  Union  lost  at  Fairfield,  Monterey 
Gap,  Pa.,  and  Smithburg,  Md.,  30  killed  and  wounded  ; Confederates,  30  killed  and  wounded, 
100  prisoners. 


120 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


Meade’s  Army  in  Pursuit. 

As  soon  as  General  Meade  learned  that  the  Confederates  were  withdrawing  from 
the  field,  he  decided  that  a direct  pursuit  through  the  passes  of  the  mountains  would 
be  impracticable;  if  lie  found  that  General  Lee  was  really  retreating,  he  proposed  to 
move  his  army  parallel  to  the  Hagerstown  road,  through  the  passes  west  of  Frederick. 
He  therefore  ordered  General  French,  who  was  stationed  at  Frederick,  Md.,  with  most 
of  the  troops  withdrawn  from  Harper’s  Ferry,  W.  Va.,  to  occupy  these  passes  at  once. 

July  5tli  was  spent  by  General  Meade  in  ascertaining  the  position  and  intention  of 
the  Confederate  Army,  as  well  as  in  the  care  of  the  wounded  and  dead  of  both  armies 
left  on  the  field  (see  page  61).  The  11th  corps  advanced  one  brigade  into  Gettysburg; 
the  6tli  corps  pursued  the  retreating  army  and  attacked  the  rear  guard  of  Ewell’s 
corps  at  Fairfield.  From  the  information  obtained  on  this  day,  General  Meade  decided 
that  the  Confederates  were  retreating.  He  therefore  ordered  all  his  corps  to  march 
for  the  passes  west  of  Frederick,  leaving  one  brigade  of  the  6th  corps  with  McIntosh ’s 
cavalry  brigade  to  follow  the  Confederate  Army  along  the  Fairfield  road. 

On  July  9th,  the  5th  and  6th  corps  were  at  Boonsboro,  and  the  2nd  and  12th, 
at  Rolirersville,  the  Confederate  Army  deployed  on  a line  a short  distance  below 
Falling  Waters,  to  a point  a mile  west  of  Hagerstown.  This  line  was  well  defended 
by  artillery;  Longstreet’s  corps  held  the  right,  Hill’s  the  center,  and  Ewell’s  the  left. 
The  cavalry  was  in  rear  of  Ewell’s  corps. 

July  12th,  the  entire  Union  Army  was  deployed  on  a line  extendng  from  Funkstown, 
on  the  Antietam  Creek,  on  the  Hagerstown-Sharpsburg  road,  opposite  the  Confederate 
left  flank.  The  right  wing  was  composed  of  the  1st,  6th  and  11th  corps;  the  left, 
of  the  2nd,  5th  and  12th  corps;  the  3rd  corps  was  in  reserve.  Kilpatrick’s  cavalry 
was  on  the  right;  Buford’s  cavalry  on  the  left,  and  Gregg’s  cavalry  in  reserve. 
Since  reaching  the  river,  the  Union  Army  had  been  reinforced  by  the  four  brigades 
of  French’s  division.  They  also  had  a reserve  composed  of  three  brigades  of  blew 
York  and  Pennsylvania  militia,  which  had  assembled  by  General  Couch  for  the  defense 
of  Harrisburg.  On  the  retreat  of  the  Confederate  Army,  these  brigades  took  the  field 
as  a division  commanded  by  Gen.  W.  F.  Smith.  On  the  12th  they  were  northeast  of 
Hagerstown,  Md. 

On  the  night  of  July  12th,  General  Mead  called  a council  of  war  and  submitted 
the  question  of  advisability  of  assaulting  the  enemy  on  the  following  day,  July  13th. 
Those  in  favor  of  attacking  were  Wadsworth  and  Howard;  those  opposed  were  Hays, 
Sykes,  French,  Slocum  and  Sedgwick.  It  was  therefore  decided  to  defer  the  assault. 

The  pontoon  bridge  at  Falling  Waters  was  repaired,  and  the  river  at  Williamsport 
had  reached  its  fording  stage.  General  Lee  therefore  decided  to  retire  into  Virginia, 
as  it  was  difficult  to  subsist  his  army.  In  accordance  with  his  plan,  the  infantry 
and  artillery  were  to  withdraw  from  the  trenches  immediately  after  dark  and  be 
replaced  by  the  cavalry.  General  Longstreet’s  troops  were  to  cross  at  once  at  Falling 
Waters,  to  be  followed  by  General  Hill’s  infantry  and  the  cavalry  along  his  front, 
General  Ewell’s  infantry  and  the  rest  of  the  cavalry  were  to  ford  the  river  at  Williams- 
port (see  page  118). 

The  13th  was  overcast  and  misty,  and  the  night  following  dark  and  stormy.  This 
made  it  easy  to  withdraw  the  Confederate  Army  without  attracting  the  attention  of 
the  Union  troops,  but  made  it  difficult  for  the  troops  to  move  rapidly.  At  5:  00  P.M., 
the  artillery  was  started  to  the  rear,  and  immediately  after  dark  Longstreet’s  infantry 
followed.  He  was  at  once  followed  by  two  squadrons  pf  cavalry  which  had  been  left 
to  cover  Hill’s  rear  but  by  mistake  crossed  the  river  ahead  of  him. 

Ewell’s  corps  moved  to  Williamsport  and  there  forded  the  river  about  midnight. 
The  artillery  ammunition  chests  and  one  brigade  of  infantry  were  taken  across  in 
boats.  Their  crossing  was  completed  at  8:  00  A.M.,  on  the  14th,  with  the  exception  of 
the  two  cavalry  squadrons  mentioned  above.  General  Stuart’s  cavalry  crossed  with 
Ewell. 

On  the  morning  of  July  14th,  General  Kilpatrick’s  cavalry  moved  to  Williamsport 
only  to  find  Ewell  and  Stuart  on  the  Virginia  side.  They  then  moved  down  the  river 
to  Falling  Waters. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


121 


Hill’s  corps  marched  all  night  in  the  rain  in  the  order,  Anderson,  Pender,  Heth. 
Next  morning,  Heth’s  division  was  placed  in  line  on  the  hills  about  two  miles  from 
the  pontoon  bridge  to  protect  the  troops  in  his  rear,  while  the  artillery  and  trains  were 
crossing.  Pender’s  division  was  in  his  rear  as  a reserve.  About  11:  00  A.M.,  after  the 
artillery,  trains  and  Anderson’s  division  had  crossed,  Heth  was  ordered  to  send 
Pender’s  division  to  the  bridge.  He  was  also  directed  to  hold  his  line  with  one  brigade, 
and  to  direct  the  others  to  follow  Pender’s  division.  About  this  time  Kilpatrick’s 
cavalry  appeared  in  his  front.  An  advance  guard  of  Custer’s  brigade  consisting  of 
about  50  mounted  troopers  at  once  charged  the  Confederates  without  a preliminary 
exmination.  This  movement  deceived  the  Confederates,  who  thought  it  must  be  a troop 
of  their  own  cavalry.  The  Confederate  infantry  fire  was  therefore  delayed  until  the 
Union  cavalry  was  almost  upon  it.  This  was  followed  by  an  advance  of  one  of 
Custer ’s  regiments  dismounted ; they  were  driven  back  by  Brockenbrough,  whose  in- 
fantry brigade  became  an  advanced  skirmish  line.  At  this  moment  Buford  appeared 
on  the  field  and  moved  his  dismounted  cavalry  to  turn  Heth’s  right  flank  and  intercept 
his  retreat.  Heth  was  about  to  recall  Pender’s  brigades  to  meet  this  movement  when 
he  was  ordered  to  retreat  at  once.  He  sent  one  brigade  to  form  a line  one-quarter  of  a 
mile  in  his  rear  and  then  retired  his  other  brigades  through  it ; by  repeating  this 
operation  he  reached  the  bridge. 

Broekenbrough’s  brigade  was  too  much  involved  to  withdraw  easily  when  the  order 
was  given;  he  therefore  left  on  the  field  three  regimental  colors.  Hill’s  corps  was 
obliged  to  abandon  two  guns.  Union  lost  29  killed,  36  wounded.  Confederates,  125 
killed  and  wounded,  1,500  prisoners;  Confederate  Major-General  Pettigrew  killed. 

At  1:  00  P.M.,  the  Confederate  Army,  being  on  the  Virginia  shore,  the  bridge  was 
cut  loose.  It  has  been  stated  time  and  again  that  Confederate  regiments  went  back 
to  Virginia  under  the  command  of  corporals. 

According  to  the  estimate  of  Major-General  Hunt,  there  was  expended  in  the 
great  Battle  of  Gettysburg  569  tons  of  deadly  missiles,  including  all  the  various  kinds 
of  shot,  shell,  shrapnel  and  ball,  known  then  to  this  country  and  Europe.  * * * 

General  Robert  E.  Lee  Asks  to  be  Relieved. 

About  a month  after  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  General  Lee  wrote  to  Jefferson 
Davis,  President  of  the  Confederacy,  in  which  he  said : 

“We  must  expect  reverses,  even  defeats.  They  are  sent  to  teach  us  wisdom  and 

prudence,  to  call  forth  greater  disasters.  Our  people  have  only  to  be  true  and  united, 

to  bear  manfully  the  misfortune  incidents  of  war,  and  all  will  come  right  in  the  end. 
I know  how  prone  we  are  to  censure,  and  how  ready  to  blame  others  for  the  nonful- 
fillment, of  our  expectations.  This  is  unbecoming  in  a generous  people,  and  I grieve 
to  see  its  expression.  The  general  remedy  for  the  want  of  success  in  a military  com- 
mander is  his  removal.  This  is  natural,  and  in  many  instances  proper;  for,  no  matter 

what  may  be  the  ability  of  the  officer,  if  he  loses  the  confidence  of  his  troops,  disaster 

must  sooner  or  later,  ensue. 

“I  have  been  prompted  by  these  reflections  more  than  once  since  my  return  from 
Pennsylvania  to  propose  to  your  excellency  the  propriety  of  selecting  another  com- 
mander for  this  army.  I have  seen  and  heard  of  expressions  of  discontent  in  the 
public  journals  at  the  result  of  the  expedition. 

“I  do  not  know  how  far  this  feeling  extends  in  the  army.  My  brother  officers 
have  been  too  kind  to  report  it,  and  so  far  the  troops  have  been  too  generous  to 
exhibit  it.  It  is  fair,  however,  to  suppose  that  it  does  exist,  and  success  is  so  necessary 
to  us  that  nothing  should  be  risked  to  secure  it.  I therefore  in  all  sincerity  request 
your  excellency  to  take  measures  to  supply  my  place.” 

Mr.  Davis  declined  to  relieve  General  Lee  from  the  command  of  the  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia,  consequently  he  retained  it  until  he  surrendered  himself  and  that 
army  as  prisoners  of  war  in  the  spring  of  1865. 


'Soldier,  rest;  thy  warfare  oer, 

Sleep  the  sleep  that  knows  no  breaking ; 
Dream  of  Battlefield  no  more 
Days  of  danger,  nights  of  waking.” 


Soldiers5  National  Cemetery 


AGKEAT  national  cemetery  was  laid  out  on  the  battlefield,  the  grounds  of  which 
embrace  seventeen  acres  on  the  highest  point  on  Cemetery  Hill,  and  the  remains  of 
3,564  Union  soldiers  who  had  fallen  in  that  battle  were  placed  there,  arranged  in 
the  order  of  their  States,  in  a semi-circle  in  sections.  The  Gettysburg  Cemetery  Company, 
organized  and  incorporated  by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  soon  after  the  battle,  projected 
the  cemetery,  but  in  1872  they  assigned  it  to  the  care  of  the  U.  S.  Government.  This 
was  dedicated  on  the  19th  of  November,  1863;  and  this  occasion  furnished  a striking 
instance  of  the  difference  between  national  genius  and  artificial  reputation.  The 
orator  of  the  day  was  Hon.  Edward  Everett,  who  by  long  cultivation  and  unlimited 
advertising,  had  attained  the  nominal  place  of  first  orator  in  this  country;  but  he  was 
by  no  means  entitled  to  speak  for  the  men  who  had  laid  down  their  lives  in  the  cause 
of  universal  liberty;  for,  through  all  his  political  life  until  the  breaking  out  of  the  war, 
he  had  been  a strong  pro-slavery  man.  President  Lincoln  was  invited  to  be  present, 
as  a matter  of  course,  and  was  informed  that  he  would  be  expected  to  say  a little 
something.  Mr.  Everett  delivered  a long  address,  prepared  in  his  usual  elaborate  and 
artificial  style,  which  was  forgotten  by  every  hearer  within  twenty-four  hours.  Mr. 
Lincoln,  on  his  way  from  Washington,  jotted  down  a few  notes  on  the  back  of  an  old 
yellow  envelope,  by  way  of  memorandum,  and  when  called  upon,  rose  to  his  full 
height,  and  delivered  a speech  of  fewer  than  300  words,  which  very  soon  took  its  place 
among  the  world’s  immortal  orations,  giving  utterance  to  the  following: 


“Four  score  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers  brought  forth  on  this  continent  a new  nation 
conceived  in  liberty  and  dedicated  to  the  proposition  that  ail  men  are  created  equal.  Now  we  are 


engaged  in  a great  civil  war,  test 
nation,  so  conceived  and  so  dedi 
met  on  a great  battlefield  of  the 
a portion  of  that  field  as  a final 
gave  up  their  lives  that  the  nation 
and  proper  that  we  should  do  this, 
dedicate — we  cannot  consecrate — 
brave  men,  living  and  dead,  who 
far  above  our  power  to  add  or  de 
long  remember  what  we  say  here, 
did  here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living, 
unfinished  work  which  they  who 
nobly  carried  on.  It  is  rather  for 
task  remaining  before  us,  that 
increased  devotion  to  that  cause 
measure  of  devotion  ; that  we  here 
shall  not  have  died  in  vain  ; that 
a new  birth  of  freedom,  and  that  the  government  of  the  people 
people,  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth.” 


ing  whether  that  nation,  or  any 
cated  can  long  endure.  We  are 
war.  We  have  come  to  dedicate 
resting  place  for  those  who  here 
might  live.  It  is  altogether  fitting 
But  in  a larger  sense  we  cannot 
we  cannot  hallow  this  ground.  The 
struggled  here,  have  consecrated  it 
tract.  The  world  will  little  note  or 
but  it  never  can  forget  what  they 
rather  to  be  dedicated  here  to  the 
fought  here  have  thus  far  so 
us  to  be  dedicated  to  the  great 
from  these  honored  dead  we  take 
for  which  they  gave  the  last  full 
highly  resolve  that  these  dead 
this  nation,  under  God,  shall  have 
by  the  people,  and  for  the 


The  Soldiers’  National  Monument  stands  in  the  center  of  the  semi-circle  surrounded 
by  the  Union  dead;  it  is  60  feet  high,  is  25  feet  square  at  the  base,  and  is  crowned 
with  a statue  representing  the  Genius  of  Liberty.  Projecting  from  the  four  corners 
are  an  equal  number  of  allegorical  statues  representing  respectively  Peace,  War, 
History  and  Plenty.  These  figures  were  made  in  Italy  by  Randolph  Rogers.  It  was 
formally  dedicated  July  1st,  1869.  General  Meade  made  an  address,  Governor  Morton 
an  oration,  and  Bayard  Taylor  contributed  an  ode.  Following  are  the  dead  by  States: 


104 

Ohio  

131 

New  Hampshire 

49 

Indiana  

80 

61 

6 

159 

171 

Rhode  Island  

12 

Wisconsin  

73 

22 

52 

867 

534 

New  Jersey  

78 

U.  S.  Regulars 

138 

15 

22 

West  Virginia  

ii 

Total  

123 


IZfeM  N.Y.  INF. 


2^  OHIO  INF. 


142'"/  PA.  INF. 


6W  OHIO  CAV. 


24^  MICH.  INF. 


WINEOAR’S  BATT.  M 
\>*  N.Y. 


I49M  N.Y.  INF 


SMITH'S  4" 


I3MN.J.INF. 


42*‘/N.Y.INF. 


4^  MICH.  INF. 


5^  N.Y.  mil.  BATT. 


PICKETT’S  BATT. 


C0.4,I«'WIS.  IT"*  CONN.  INF. 
SHARPSHOOTERS 


GETTYSBURG  NATIONAL  PARK. 


NO  battlefield  of  the  Great  Bebellion,  none  indeed  of  the  world’s  history,  is  so  visited 
yearly  as  is  that  at  Gettysburg.  Since  the  battle  thousands  of  visitors  have  passed 
over  its  historic  grounds  yearly.  But  great  as  has  been  the  influx  in  the  past, 
it  appears  as  if  the  tide  has  only  fairly  commenced.  The  near  future  will  behold 
visitors  from  every  portion  of  the  civilized  world  in  numbers  far  surpassing  what  has 
yet  been.  There  are  several  reasons  for  this.  Each  year  deepens  the  appreciation  of 
the  fact  that  here  was  decided  the  fate  of  a mighty  nation;  that  the  struggles  on  this 
field  was  the  turning  point  in  the  war  of  the  Rebellion,  the  most  remarkable  and  most 
important  in  its  effects  upon  the  future.  Another  reason  for  the  constant  increase  of 
visitors  is  the  unsurpassed  beauty  of  the  situations  and  surroundings.  The  continued 
and  increasing  national  interest  in  this  American  Mecca  of  Reconciliation,  has  led  to 
the  erection  of  numerous  beautiful  monumental  memorials  of  that  fierce  strife.  On 
no  other  battlefield  of  the  world  will  be  found  so  many  markers  and  monuments, 
showing  accurately  the  position  of  the  various  commands  of  the  opposing  armies. 

This  fact  has  done  much  to  entice  an  increased  flow  of  travel,  as  regiment 
after  regiment,  and  State  after  State,  have  gone  into  the  work  of  erecting  monuments, 
beautiful  in  conception,  artistic  in  design,  and  priceless  in  historical  value.  Southern 
States  ’ regiments  and  batteries  are  impelled  to  vie  with  their  Northern  comrades  in 
the  work  of  decoration  and  designation. 

There  is  upon  the  battlefield  (Gettysburg  National  Park),  several  million  dollars 
worth  of  memorials  in  granite  and  bronze,  erected  to  the  memory  of  the  heroes  who 
fought  there.  Gettysburg  is  without  a doubt  the  monumental  battlefield  of  the 
world.  * * * 


125 


AT  the  request  of  the  writer,  he  contributes  to  this  work  the  following  graphic  sketch,  I 
which  is  especially  valuable  on  account  of  the  outline  it  gives  of  the  suffering  of 
the  noble  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  reaching  Gettysburg.  What  the  lieutenant  says 
of  his  regiment  is  equally  true  of  all  the  commands  of  the  Union  Army.  No  words 
can  adequately  portray  the  suffering  of  the  men  during  the  march  from  Falmouth  to 
Gettysburg,  or  the  exhausted  condition  in  which  they  reached  the  bloody  scene  of 
conflict. 

“In  the  advance  toward  Pennsylvania,  the  5th  corps  was  in  the  center  column  of 
the  army.  The  night  of  June  30th  found  our  regiment  at  Liberty,  Md.,  on  picket  duty. 
From  the  continuous  march  since  leaving  Virginia  the  men  had  become  so  tired  out 
and  footsore  that  it  was  no  uncommon  thing  to  find  a man  with  blisters  on  both  feet 
as  large  as  a silver  dollar,  and  not  a few  were  marching  in  their  stocking  feet.  This 
with  the  chafing  of  the  equipment  and  luggage  upon  the  body  required  no  small 
amount  of  physical  endurance  to  enable  the  men  to  get  over  the  rough  roads,  even 
when  urged  on  by  the  stern  commands  of  the  officers. 

“At  Hanover,  Pa.,  we  made  a short  halt.  The  streets  of  this  good  old  town  were 
packed  with  troops,  all  moving  toward  the  battlefield.  We  received  there  an  enthu- 
siastic ovation  from  the  loyal-hearted  citizens.  On  a balcony  of  a residence  several 
young  ladies  were  assembled  dressed  in  red,  white  and  blue,  who  entertained  the  passing 
troops  with  patriotic  songs,  prominently  the  ‘Star  Spangled  Banner.’  Many  of  our  brave 
boys  there  heard  it  for  the  last  time.  From  Hanover  we  moved  for  Gettysburg. 
Never  since  the  formation  of  the  Union  Army  were  men  put  to  the  crucial  test  of 
human  endurance  to  the  same  extent  as  during  this  famous  march.  General  officers 
in  command  during  the  night,  became  unusually  anxious  to  move  forward  the  troops 
more  rapidly,  and  various  means  were  used  to  urge  the  men  along.  General  Barnes, 
commanding  our  division,  suggested  that  the  men  close  up  the  ranks  and  join  in 
singing  the  old  army  songs.  To  the  strains  of  ‘Old  John  Brown,’  etc.,  the  men  for  a 
time  forgot  their  exhausted  condition.  The  draft  upon  a man ’s  zeal  and  courage  to 
perform,  the  march  was  fully  equal  to  any  effort  that  would  be  required  to  the  enemy 
in  battle.  Indeed  this  march  may  well  be  considered  as  no  small  part  of  the  victory 
won  on  the  soil  of  the  Keystone  State.  ’ ’ * * * 


126 


ROMANTIC  AND  PATHETIC  INCIDENTS 


“Under  the  sod  and  the  dew 
Waiting  the  Judgment  Day  ; 

Under  the  one  the  Blue, 

Under  the  other  the  Gray.” 

name  of  Mrs.  Mary  W.  Lee  will  recall  to  the  mind 
of  thousands  of  our  brave  soldiers  who  fought  in  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  the  face  and  figure  of  a cheerful, 
active,  efficient,  yet  tender-hearted  woman,  herself  the 
mother  of  a soldier  boy,  who  for  month  after  month, 
and  year  after  year,  while  the  war  continued,  moved 
about  the  hospitals  of  the  army,  a blessing,  a comfort 
and  a hope  to  thousands  of  the  weary  sufferers. 

Mrs.  Lee  was  at  Gettysburg  as  soon  as  the  cannon 
smoke  had  cleared  away  from  the  blood-stained  hill- 
side, and  labored  in  the  2nd  corps  hospital,  and  also 
at  Letterman ’s  General  Hospital,  for  three  months 
following  the  great  battle. 

One  of  her  patients  who  died  was  Aaron  Wills,  a color  corporal  in  the  72nd  Pa. 
Vol.  Infantry,  the  regiment  in  which  her  son  was  serving.  A ball  struck  the  flag-staff 
and  shattered  it.  Aaron  wrapped  the  flag  around  his  arm  and  shouted:  “Don’t  let 
the  colors  fall  boys.  ’ ’ The  next  moment  a ball  struck  him  in  a vital  part,  and  he  fell, 
yet  held  the  flag  up  so  that  it  would  not  touch  the  ground,  until  it  was  taken  from  his 
faithful  hands  and  carried  on  at  the  head  of  the  regiment. 

A year  later,  on  the  anniversary  of  his  son’s  death,  the  father  of  Aaron  wrote 
an  effecting  letter  to  Mrs.  Lee.  ‘ ‘ Today,  ’ ’ he  said,  ‘ ‘ I walked  out  to  look  at  the 
little  mound  that  covers  the  remains  of  my  beloved  boy.  As  I looked  the  words  of  his 
last  letter,  those  blessed  words,  came  into  my  mind ; ‘ Father,  do  not  worry  at  my 
being  in  a dangerous  position.  I believe,  as  you  say,  I can  die  in  no  nobler  cause; 
and,  to  tell  you  the  truth,  I would  as  soon  die  on  the  battlefield,  as  I would  a natural 
death.’  He  need  not  have  said,  ‘to  tell  the  truth’;  for  he  never  told  a lie.’’ 

Mrs.  Lee  was  very  much  interested  in  a brave  little  fellow  from  Co.  B,  72nd  Pa. 
— name  Willie  Morrow.  He  fought  all  day  with  uncommon  bravery,  acting  as  a sharp- 
shooter. He  and  his  companion  at  one  time,  came  marching  in  with  six  prisoners, 
captured  by  only  those  two.  As  Willie  was  going  back  to  the  front,  a common  shot 
hit  him  and  carried  off  both  his  legs.  When  brought  to  the  rear  he  asked  the  surgeon 
if  there  was  any  hope  of  getting  over  it.  “No,”  he  said,  “Willie  there  is  no  hope.” 
Turning  to  his  companion,  he  said,  ‘ ‘ Tell  them  at  home  that  I died  happy — that  I was 
glad  to  give  my  life  for  my  country.”  The  blood  continued  to  run  from  the  severed 
arteries,  and  he  grew  weaker.  “Tell  them  I die  happy,”  were  his  last  words;  and 
in  death  his  pale  young  face  wore  a smile. 

Another  in  the  care  of  Mrs.  Lee  was  sinking  into  a soldier’s  grave,  when  just  be- 
fore he  died  she  saw  that  he  was  making  an  effort  to  speak.  She  bent  over  him, 
to  catch,  if  possible,  his  Darting  words.  Slowly  and  without  pain  he  whispered  them, 

127 


E 


128 


THE  BLUE  AND  GRAY 


one  by  one,  in  her  ear : “I  want — -I  want  ’ ’ — said  he.  ‘ ‘ What  do  you  want,  Russell ? ’ ’ 
“I  want  to  tell  you  what — what  I will  do — for  you — when  I go  to — another  place.” 

In  the  fall  of  1863,  when  those  who  remain  of  the  sufferers  had  been  collected 
in  one  great  hospital,  Mrs.  Lee  again  sought  the  front,  and  again  joined  the  army,  doing 
hospital  work  on  the  field  until  the  end  of  the  war. 

A Good  Mother  to  the  Confederates. 

THIS  is  the  title  that  deservedly  belongs  to  Miss  Clarissa  Jones,  who  cared  for  the 
wounded  of  Pickett’s  division,  and  others  that  were  fortunate  enough  to  fall  into 
her  hands.  Miss  Jones  had  been  on  many  battlefields — she  was  a school  teacher  and 
spent  her  vacations  as  a nurse  in  the  hospitals — the  horrors  of  none  made  as  strong  an 
impression  upon  her  mind  as  at  Gettysburg.  Any  other  woman  with  less  courage  would 
have  given  up  the  work  in  disgust.  She  left  her  home  in  Philadelphia  for  Baltimore, 
thence  to  Gettysburg;  to  be  threatened  with  arrest  as  a southern  spy  was  considered 
an  unpleasant  task  indeed  for  a Yankee  girl ; she  possessed  the  ability  to  face  the 
horrors  of  war  and  to  nurse  the  most  desperate  cases.  The  men  were  always  courteous 
to  her,  ever  anxious  to  do  her  a favor,  and  appreciated  everything  she  did  for  them. 

“I  will  never  forget  my  first  case.  He  was  a young  fellow,  lying  on  a rock,  and 
suffering  intensely  from  lockjaw.  Beside  him  was  his  brother,  nursing  and  caring  for 
him.  . The  anxious  brother  was  bathing  the  wound  with  a piece  of  paper.  I was 

burdened  with  handkerchiefs,  so  I gave  him  a few, 
and  my,  he  was  so  glad  to  get  them.  I stayed  with 
him  some  time,  bandaged  his  wound  and  did  what  I 
could  for  him,  and  his  brother  told  me  his  story. 
Their  name  wTas  Presgrave,  and  they  lived  on  the 
James  River.  He  said  that  he  had  two  other  brothers 
in  the  battle  and  he  feared  that  they  too  had  been 
killed.  When  he  saw  his  brother  fall,  he  allowed 
himself  to  be  taken  prisoner,  purposely,  so  he  could 
be  with  him.  When  he  had  told  this  much  of  his 
story,  he  looked  up  at  me  with  his  big  tear-filled 
eyes,  for  he  knew  his  brother  would  die. 

“How  am  I going  back  to  my  father  and  tell 
him  of  this,  and  that,  in  all  probability  his  other  two 
boys  have  been  killed  in  the  same  battle?  I am 
afraid  that  I am  the  only  one  left.  My  poor  father! 
He  was  more  like  a big  brother  to  us,  and  you  don’t  know  how  much  we  loved  him. 

“The  tears  came  to  my  own  eyes.  I did  everything  I possibly  could  do  for  him. 
He  was  so  affectionate  to  his  brother,  and  waited  on  him  day  and  night. 

“Four  days  later  the  poor  fellow  died.  His  brother  ask  if  he  could  not  go  into 
Gettysburg  and  buy  a pine  coffin,  for  he  intended  to  come  back  after  the  war  and 
bring  the  body  home.  He  was  given  the  permission  and  instead  of  being  buried  in  a 
blanket,  as  was  the  case,  this  one  boy  had  a pine  coffin.  Major  Holstein  read  the 
burial  service  each  day  over  the  long  stretch  of  dead.  A Miss  Moore,  and  I always 
accompanied  them.  But  at  this  particular  time,  the  Major  did  not  have  his  glasses 
with  him,  and  could  not  read  without  them.  They  were  preparing  to  bury  the  boy 
without  any  service.  As  soon  as  the  brother  realized  this,  he  sat  down  and  cried  as 
though  his  heart  would  break.  Finally  he  regained  his  composure  and,  looking  up,  said: 
‘Is  there  not  somebody  who  will  say  a word  over  my  brother?  Must  I go  home  and 
say  that  he  was  buried  like  a dog,  without  even  a prayer  for  him?’ 

“Miss  Moore  and  I could  not  resist  this  appeal.  Major  Holstein  let  us  have 
his  book,  and  we  read  the  burial  service. 

“We  all  felt  intensely  sorry  for  this  poor  boy;  he  was  so  much  affected  by  his 
loss.  He  told  us  that  he  was  going  to  escape — told  us  how  he  was  going  back  to  his 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


129 


father.  We  all  knew  about  it.  So,  of  course,  we  were  not  surprised  when  we  heard 
that  he  was  missing. 

“We  had  a nephew  of  Jefferson  Davis  in  our  camp.  Poor  fellow,  he  suffered 
terribly.  A special  chair  was  rigged  up  for  him  because  his  back  was  injured;  but 
he  begged  so  hard  to  be  taken  out  of  it  that  the  doctor  finally  consented.  But  no 
matter  in  what  position  he  was  placed,  he  was  not  satisfied.  When  the  order  came  to 
take  the  men  not  dying  to  Camp  Letterman,  the  Union  men  had  considerable  trouble 
in  lifting  him  into  the  wagon.  Finally,  one  gruff  soldier  said:  ‘That’s  what  you  get 
for  fighting  against  us.’ 

‘ ‘ But  the  poor  fellow  answered  in  a kindly  tone  of  voice : 

“ ‘I  fought  against  you  only  once,  and  I’ll  never  fight  again.  And  remember, 
my  dear  man,  the  Lord  says  that  you  must  forgive,  if  they  fight  seventy  times  seven.  ’ 
That  was  the  last  I saw  or  heard  of  him. 

“The  Union  men  could  not  understand  my  devotion  to  the  Confederates,  and 
finally  I noticed  among  them  a coldness  to  me.  I asked  them  what  was  the  trouble, 
and  one  of  them  said: 

“ ‘Miss  Jones,  where  are  you  from?’ 

“I  told  them  I was  from  Philadelphia. 

“ ‘Are  you  a Confederate  sympathizer?’  another  asked. 

“I  answered,  most  decidedly  no.  And  then  I had  a heart  to  heart  talk  with  them, 
and  told  them  of  the  sufferings  of  the  Confederates  and  how  desperately  they  needed 
the  affectionate  care  of  a woman,  just  as  much  as  they  did.  The  boys  soon  saw  the 
other  side  and  agreed  with  me. 

“ ‘That’s  right,  Miss  Jones,  you  do  all  you  can  for  those  Jonnies;  they  are  not 
such  a bad  sort  after  all.’ 

“We  became  better  friends  after  that. 

“So  it  was  with  the  Gettysburg  battle.  I was  too  much  occupied  earing  for  these 
poor  fellows  to  think  how  -terrible  it  really  was,  and  how  much  the  men  had  suffered. 
When  the  trouble  was  over  everything  came  to  me.’’  * * * 

Miss  Arabella  Griffith,  was  a native  of  New  Jersey,  and  at  the  beginning  of 
the  Civil  War  was  engaged  to  Francis  C.  Barlow,  a promising  young  lawyer.  On 
April  19th,  1861,  Mr.  Barlow  enlisted  as  a private ; on  the  20th,  they  were  married,  and 
on  the  21st,  he  went  with  'his  regiment  to  Washington.  A week  later  Mrs.  Barlow 
followed  him,  and  still  later  she  joined  in  the  hospital  work  of  the  Sanitary  Com- 
mission. The  day  after  the  battle  of  Antietam,  she  found  her  husband  badly  wounded, 
and  when,  in  the  spring,  he  went  to  the  field  again,  she  accompanied  him.  At  Gettys- 
burg he  was  again  wounded  and  she  by  great  effort  managed  to  take  care  of  not  only 
him,  but  many  other  wounded  men  in  that  great  battle.  A friend  who  knew  her  at  the 
time  writes,  “We  called  her  “The  Raider.’’  This  devoted  woman  served  at  the  front 
until  1864,  and  died  from  fever  contracted  in  the  hospital  at  Petersburg,  Ya.  Her 
husband  meanwhile  had  risen  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general,  and  was  known  as  one 
of  the  most  gallant  men  in  the  army.  * * * 

An  Old  Army  Nurse.  Harriet  P.  Dame’s  record  as  a hospital  nurse  during  the 
war  of  the  Rebellion  is  second  to  none.  This  heroic  and  devoted  woman  went  to  the 
front  with  the  2nd  N.  H.  Vol.  Infantry  in  April,  1861,  and  remained  in  the  field 
four  years  and  eight  months,  the  longest  service  of  any  woman.  During  this  time 
she  passed  through  many  thrilling  experiences,  on  more  than  one  occasion  barely 
escaping  with  her  life.  She  was  with  the  army  in  the  Seven  Days’  Retreat,  and  in 
the  trenches  of  Fair  Oaks,  and  at  Gettysburg.  At  the  close  of  the  war  a vote  of 
thanks  was  given  Miss  Dame  by  the  N.  H.  Legislature,  as  well  as  a present  of  $500, 
which  she  donated  toward  founding  a home  for  the  Veterans  of  her  regiment.  * * * 

They  find  there  a little  flag  in  the  grass, 

And  fling  a handful  of  roses  down  ; 

And  pause  a moment  before  they  pass 

To  the  soldier’s  grave  with  a gilted  crown. 


9 


Women  Who  Dared  and  Suffered 
for  the  Flag 

WHEN  the  7th  Mich.  Vol.  regiment  started  for  the  seat  of  war, 
Annie  Etheridge,  a woman  just  out  of  her  teens,  volunteered  as 
daughter  of  the  regiment.  Her  dress  was  a riding  habit,  and  she 
wore  a round  military  cap  as  a badge  of  her  calling.  A pair  of 
pistols  rested  in  their  holsters  for  use  in  emergencies.  She  served 
four  years,  part  of  the  time  with  the  above  regiment,  and  always 
with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Her  service  was  the  relief  of  the 
wounded  on  the  field  which  means  under  fire.  Her  State  presented 
her  with  a badge  for  her  devotion  to  the  wounded  at  Gettysburg. 
Once  while  bandaging  a wound  for  a New  York  boy  a shot  killed  him  under  her  hands. 

Though  not  called  on  to  fight,  Annie  had  spirit  enough  to  make  a battle  heroine. 
At  Gettysburg  she  went  to  the  outposts  with  the  skirmishers,  and  was  ordered  back. 
On  her  way  back  she  passed  a line  of  low  trenches  where  the  Union  soldiers  lay  con- 
cealed, and  spurning  the  thought  that  the  affair  must  end  in  a retreat,  she  turned  her 
face  to  the  front  and  called,  “Boys,  do  your  duty  and  whip  those  fellows!  ” A hearty 
cheer  was  the  response,  and  “those  fellows”  poured  a volley  into  the  hidden  trenches. 
Annie  was  hit  in  the  hand,  her  horse  was  wounded  and  her  skirt  was  riddled.  She 
performed  deeds  of  daring  in  bringing  wounded  from  the  field,  under  fire,  turning  a 
party  of  retreating  soldiers  back  to  their  place  in  their  ranks  by  offering  to  lead  them 
into  battle.  One  day  as  Annie  entered  the  2nd  corps  hospital'  a young  soldier  of  her 
regiment,  who  seemed  to  be  at  the  point  of  death,  appealed  'to  her,  saying,  ‘ ‘ Come  and 
take  care  of  me,  and  I shall  get  well;  if  you  do  not  come,  I shall  die.” 

On  the  battlefield  she  toiled  under  the  scorching  sun,  and  the  pouring  rains,  with 
no  thought  but  for  those  who  were  suffering  and  dying  all  around  her.  After  the  war 
she  wrote:  “I  mark  my  hospital  days  as  the  best  ones,  and  thank  God  for  the  way 
in  which  he  led  me  into  the  good  work,  and  for  the  strength  which  kept  me  through 
it  all.”  * * * 

DR.  BELLOWS,  president  of  the  Sanitary  Commission,  writing  of  his  experiences  on 
the  field  of  Gettysburg,  said:  “I  went  to  the  field  hospital  of  the  3rd  corps,  where 
2,000  men  lay  in  their  tents,  a vast  camp  of  mutilated  humanity ; all  hungry  and 
thirsty,  not  having  had  anything  to  eat  or  drink,  except  hard  crackers,  for  24  hours, 
when  we  carried  in  bread,  hands  from  every  quarter  were  outstretched  and  the  cry, 
“Give  me  a piece,  oh  please;  I have  had  nothing  since  Wednesday.”  Another, 
“Nothing  but  hard  crackers  since  the  fight,”  etc.  So  with  the  remnant  we  threaded 
our  way  through  the  suffering  crowd,  amid  such  exclamations  as,  “Oh!  please  don’t 
touch  my  foot!  ” or  “For  mercy  sake,  don’t  touch  my  arm!  ” Another,  “Please  don’t 
remove  the  blanket,  I am  so  terribly  cut  up.  ’ ’ 

One  woman  (Miss  Gilson),  young  and  fair,  but  grave  and  earnest,  clothed  in 
purity  and  mercy — the  only  woman  in  that  vast  camp — moved  in  and  out  of  the  hos- 
pital tents,  speaking  some  tender  word,  giving  some  restoring  cordial,  holding  the  hand 
of  some  dying  boy,  or  receiving  the  last  words  of  a husband  to  his  widowed  wife. 
I can  never  forget  how,  amid  scenes  which,  under  ordinary  circumstances,  no  woman 
could  have  appeared  in  without  gross  indecorum,  the  holy  pity  and  purity  of  this 
angel  of  mercy  made  her  presence  seem  as  fit  as  though  she  had  indeed  dropped  out 
of  heaven.  The  men  themselves,  sick  or  well,  all  seemed  awed  and  purified  by  such  a 
resident  among  them.  Miss  Gilson  continued  her  labors  unremittingly  through  the 
war,  and  died  about  two  years  after  its  close,  probably  from  the  effects  of  her 
arduous  work,  at  the  age  of  thirty-two,  * * * 


130 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


131 


Life  and  Duty  in  the  Field  Hospital. 

ON  the  4th  of  July,  1863,  the  Washington  Journals  contained  accounts  of  the  great 
engagement  on  the  lst-3rd,  at  Gettysburg.  On  the  6th,  Mrs.  Charlotte  E.  McKay 
went  to  Baltimore  and  thence  to  the  point  nearest  the  field  accessible  by  rail.  After 
some  delay  and  difficulty,  travelling  the  last  24  miles  in  a huge  army  wagon  on  a pile 
of  forage,  she  reached  the  hospital  of  the  5th  corps,  about  five  miles  south  of  the 
town;  and  here,  for  the  remainder  of  July  and  the  greater  part  of  August,  her  labors 
were  such  as  the  vast  accumulation  of  suffering  around  her  seemed  to  demand. 

Many  incidents  occurred  during  her  stay  which  illustrates  the  swift  vicissitudes 
and  tragic  scenery  of  war.  In  all  these  fearful  scenes  and  constant  labors,  Mrs. 
McKay  took  an  active  and  efficient  part. 

The  sight  of  a woman  seemed  to  cheer  the  poor  fellows,  for  many  a “God  bless 
you ! ’ ’ greeted  me  before  I had  done  them  a single  act  of  kindness.  The  first  call 
was  for  volunteers  to  go  for  water;  nine  offered  their  service,  five  were  furnished  each 
with  a pail,  which  they  soon  filled,  and  supplied  the  wants  of  the  poor  sufferers. 

After  bathing  and  bandaging  their  burning  wounds,  I soon  found  that  I was  well 

repaid  for  my  exertions  in  seeing  them  all  more  comfortable.  An  Irishman,  though 
badly  wounded,  did  much  to  keep  up  the  spirits  of  the  disheartened,  as  he  was  still 
in  possession  of  his  native  wit,  remarked,  “How  thankful  we  are  for  a little  attention!  ” 
One  old  man,  whose  last  days  should  have  been  passed  in  a quiet  home,  lay  dying; 
at  every  breath  of  his  life,  blood  gushed  from  the  wound  in  his  breast.  At  his  side 
lay  a mere  boy,  both  his  lower  limbs  had  been  taken  off ; his  hours  were  few.  Here 
lay  another;  a ball  pierced  his  cheek  near  the  eye.  The  surgeon  had  probed  in  vain 
to  find  the  deadly  missile;  his  breathing  was  of  that  horrible  sort  which  once  heard 
is  never  forgotten.  He  too,  was  passed  all  cure.  Another  had  a ball  lodged  deep  in 
the  upper  part  of  his  thigh.  The  surgeon  had  been  unable  to  afford  him  any  relief. 
He  was  very  calm,  and  said  he  did  not  suffer  much;  but  something  about  his  face, 

when  I looked  at  it,  showed  that  he  would  soon  “be  mustered  out.”  A young 

sergeant  was  brought  to  our  hospital,  supported  by  two  of  his  comrades,  as  both  his 
arms  were  broken.  His  greeting  to  us  was,  “Well,  they  have  winged  me;”  To  see 
that  strong  man,  now  utterly  helpless,  and  almost  fainting  from  the  loss  of  blood,  and 
exhausted  from  a long  walk,  was  a piteous  sight  indeed. 

And  that  operation  table!  These  scenes  come  up  before  me  now  with  all  the 
vividness  of  reality.  Sometimes  I hope  it  is  only  a fever-dream  that  haunts  me,  but 
too  well  I know  it  was  no  dream;  for,  one  by  one,  they  would  take  from  different 
parts  of  the  hospital  a poor  fellow,  lay  him  out  on  those  bloody  boards,  and  administer 
chloroform;  but  before  insensibility,  the  operation  would  begin,  and  in  the  midst  of 
shrieks,  curses  and  wild  laughs,  the  surgeon  would  wield  over  his  wretched  victim  the 
glittering  knife  and  saw;  and  soon  the  severed  and  ghastly  limb,  white  as  snow  and 
splattered  with  blood,  would  fall  upon  the  floor — one  more  added  to  that  terrible  pile. 

Many  nights  I lived  over  the  horrors  of  the  field  hospital  and  the  amputating 
table.  If  I but  closed  my  eyes,  I saw  such  horrible  sights  that  I would  sometimes 
spring  from  .my  bed;  and  not  until  fairly  awakened  could  I be  convinced  of  my  re- 
moteness from  the  sickening  scene.  Those  groans  were  in  my  ears;  I saw  again  the 
quivering  limbs,  the  spouting  arteries  and  the  pinched  and  ghastly  faces  of  the 
sufferers. 

In  the  fall  of  1863,  when  those  who  remained  of  the  sufferers  had  been  collected 
in  one  great  hospital,  Mrs.  McKay  again  sought  the  front,  and  there  was  much 
suffering  and  destitution  in  the  numerous  hospitals,  which  she  visited  regularly  dis- 
pensing such  comforts  as  she  could  draw  from  the  Sanitary  Commission  and  other 
sources.  * * * 


Some  fell  on  far-off  fields  of  fame. 
Some  here  sank  down  to  rest ; 

And  the  dear  land  they  love  so  well. 
Now  folds  them  to  her  breast. 


132 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


A Sad  Sig-ht. 

ON  the  side  at  Gettysburg,  near  the  11th  corps  battle-line,  is  York  street.  After  the 
battle,  in  an  enclosed  lot  a few  yards  from  the  street,  was  found  a corpse  in  Fed- 
eral Blue.  Nothing  unusual  that — for  the  dead  were  everywhere  for  miles  of 
trodden,  blood-soaked  battlefield.  Tightly  grasped  in  the  dead  soldier’s  hand  was  the 
likeness  of  three  sweet  innocent  little  children,  and  on  them  his  last  gaze  had  been 

fastened,  as,  alone  and  unattended,  on  the  field  of 
slaughter,  his  soul  had  departed  to  its  God.  That 
awoke  the  tenderest  sympathies  of  those  who  found 
him,  dead  and  unknown,  another  of  the  numberless 
sacrifices  of  the  altar  of  an  imperilled  nation.  He 
was  buried  at  the  time  on  the  lot  of  Judge  Kussell, 
near  where  he  was  found. 

The  picture  was  photographed  and  widely  circu- 
lated. A copy  reaching  Cattaragus  County,  N.  Y., 
was  recognized  as  the  children  of  Orderly  Sergeant 
Hummiston,  154th  N.  Y.  regiment.  The  children 
were  brought  to  the  Soldiers’  Orphans’  Home  at 
Gettysburg  and  educated,  their  mother  for  a time 
being  matron  of  the  institution. 

The  remains  of  Sergeant  Hummiston  now  rest 
in  grave  No.  14,  Section  B,  of  the  New  York  lot  in 
the  National  Cemetery. 

The  Philadelphia  branch  of  the  Sanitary  Commission,  offered  a prize  of  $50  for 
the  best  poem  upon  this  touching  incident.  The  award  was  made  to  James  G.  Clark, 
of  Dansville,  N.  Y.,  for  these  thrilling  and  well-known  stanzas : 


Upon  the  field  of  Gettysburg, 

The  summer  sun  was  high ; 

When  freedom  met  her  traitorous  foe, 
Beneath  a Northern  sky. 

Among  the  heroes  of  the  North, 

Who  swelled  her  grand  array — 

Who  rushed,  like  mountain  eagles  forth. 
From  happy  homes  away, 

There  stood  a man  of  humble  fame, 

A sire  of  children,  three. 

And  gazed  within  a little  frame, 

Their  pictured  forms  to  see ; 

And  blame  him  not  if,  in  the  strife, 

He  breathed  a soldier’s  prayer — 

“O  ! Father,  guard  the  soldier's  wife, 

And  for  his  children  care.” 

Upon  the  field  of  Gettysburg, 

When  morning  shown  again  ; 

The  crimson  cloud  of  battle  burst. 

In  streams  of  fiery  rain. 

Our  legions  quelled  the  awful  flood 
Of  shot,  and  steel,  and  shell  ; 

While  banners,  marked  with  ball  and  blood, 
Around  them  rose  and  fell. 


And  none  more  noble  won  the  name, 

Of  Champion  of  the  Free ; 

Than  he  who  pressed  the  little  frame. 
That,  held  his  children  three  ; 

And  none  were  braver  in  the  strife, 

Than  he  who  breathed  the  prayer  ; 

"O  ! Father,  guard  the  soldier’s  wife, 

And  for  his  children  care.” 

Upon  the  field  of  Gettysburg, 

The  full  moon  slowly  rose ; 

She  looked,  and  saw  ten  thousand  brows. 
All  pale  in  death’s  repose. 

And  down  beside  a silver  stream, 

From  other  forms  away ; 

Calm  as  a warrior  in  a dream, 

Our  fallen  comrade  lay  ; 

His  limbs  were  cold,  his  sightless  eyes, 
Were  fixed  upon  the  three. 

Sweet  stars  that  rose  in  memory’s  skies, 
To  light  him  o’er  death’s  sea  ; 

Then  honored  be  the  soldier’s  life, 

And  hallowed  be  his  prayer  ; 

“O  ! Father,  guard  the  soldier’s  wife, 
And  for  his  orphans  care.” 


An  Oration  on  Patriotism. 

I HAVE  listened  to  the  best  speakers  our  country  has,  possessed  in  the  many  years 
which  have  elapsed  since  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg,  but  not  one  of  them  has  made 
the  impression  on  my  mind  which  a few  words,  falling  from  the  lips  of  a 
private  soldier,  did  away  back  in  1863. 

It  was  the  night  of  July  4th,  and  I,  with  others,  was  lying  in  the  Spangler  farmhouse, 
near  Culp’s  Hill.  The  time  of  night  I do  not  know.  I had  been  semi-unconscious  from 
the  joint  effect  of  chloroform  and  amputation.  The  room  in  which  I lay  was  crowded 
with  desperately  wounded  men,  or  boys,  for  some  of  us  were  not  nineteen  years  of  age — 
consciousness  returning  some  time  in  the  night,  I became  aware  of  voices  near-by. 
I turned  my  head  as  I lay  on  the  floor;  I soon  made  out  that  some  one  was  kneeling 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


133 


by  a wounded  man  and  examining  his  wound.  I heard  the  injunction  given,  “Tell 
me  honestly,  doctor,  what  my  chance  is.”  He  had  been  shot  in  the  abdomen,  and  all 
too  soon  came  the  verdict,  “My  poor  fellow,  you  will  not  see  another  sunrise.’’  I heard 
his  teeth  grate  as  he  struggled  to  control  himself,  and  then  he  spoke:  “Doctor,  will 
you  do  me  a favor?”  “Certainly,”  was  the  response;  “what  is  it?”  “Make  a 
memorandum  of  my  wife’s  address.”  I did  not  remember  them  the  next  day,  or 
since,  I only  recall  it  was  some  town  in  Michigan. 

It  appeared  that  the  dying  soldier  was  a man  of  some  property,  and  in  the 
clearest  manner  he  stated  his  advice  to  his  wife  as  to  the  best  way  to  handle  it.  All 
this  was  noted  down,  and  then  he  paused ; and  the  surgeon,  anxious,  it  is  to  be  piresumed, 
to  get  along  to  others  who  so  sorely  needed  his  aid,  said,  “Is  that  all,  my  friend?”  He 
replied  falteringly,  “That  is  not  all.  I have  two  little  boys,  Oh  my  God!  ” Just  this 
one  outburst  from  an  agonized  heart,  and  then,  mastering  his  emotion,  drew  himself 
hastily  up,  resting  on  his  elbows,  said,  ‘ 1 Tell  my  wife,  doctor,  that  with  my  dying 
breath  I charge  her  to  so  rear  our  boys  that  if,  when  they  have  come  to  years  of 
manhood,  their  country  shall  need  their  service,  even  unto  death,  they  will  give  them  as 
fully  as,  I trust  under  God,  their  father  gives  his  life  this  night.”  That  was  all.  He 
sank  back  exhausted,  and  the  surgeon  passed  along.  In  the  grey  of  the  morning,  when 
I roused  enough  to  be  aware  of  what  was  transpiring  around  me,  I glanced  toward 
Mm.  A cloth  was  over  his  face,  and  soon  his  silent  form  was  carried  out.  I repeat, 
I have  heard  the  best  speakers  of  my  time,  but  after  all  these  years  I still  pronounce 
the  dying  utterances  of  that  unknown  soldier  as  the  grandest  oration  on  patriotism 
I have  ever  listened  to. 

David  R.  Mayne, 

Sergt.  SOtli  Regiment  Maine  Vol.  Inf. 

Miss  Carrie  Sheads  of  Gettysburg. 

THE  name,  besides  its  association  with  that  great  battle,  will  be  remembered  as 
of  one  who,  being  summoned  by  the  terrible  boom  of  hostile  cannon,  from  a 
life  of  quiet  and  scholastic  seclusion,  met  the  terrible  demands  of  the  hour  with 
the  calmness  of  a heroine,  and,  amid  the  roar  and  crash  of  battle,  and  the  fierce 
hate  of  the  fiery  belligerents,  acted  with  a discretion  and  genuine  courage  which  entitle 
her  name  and  her  act  to  be  held  in  perpetual  remembrance  by  the  Daughters  of 
America. 

When  Lee’s  army  advanced  to  the  invasion  of  Pennsylvania,  Miss  Sheads  was 
principal  of  Oakridge  Seminary,  situated  a short  distance  west  of  the  village.  The 
evening  of  June  30th  came,  and  with  it  Buford’s  cavalry  division,  the  van  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac.  The  1st  brigade  camped  on  the  Chambersburg  road,  not  more  than 
200  yards  from  the  Seminary.  Closing  the  usual  routine  of  the  day,  she  promised  her 
scholars  a holiday  on  the  morrow,  to  enable  them  to  visit  the  camp  and  contribute  to 
the  comfort  of  the  weary  and  hungry  soldier  boys. 

The  next  morning  was  ushered  in  by  the  heavy  boom  of  artillery  and  sharp 
carbine  shots.  So  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  had  war  unfurled  its  gorgeous  but 
bloody  panorama  around  her  and  the  cluster  of  girls  in  her  care,  that  no  time  was 
left  to  withdraw  to  a place  of  safety.  So  near  the  line  of  battle  is  situated  the  build- 
ings of  Oakridge  Seminary,  that  it  soon  became  a hospital;  and,  with  that  amazing 
suddenness  which  can  happen  only  in  time  of  active  and  invasive  warfare,  Miss 
Sheads  found  herself  converted  from  the  principal  of  a young  ladies’  seminary,  into 
the  lady  superintendent  of  an  army  hospital. 

Among  the  last  to  leave  the  1st  day’s  field  was  the  97th  N.  Y.  Yol.  Infantry 
regiment,  commanded  by  Lieut. -Col.  Charles  Wheelock,  who,  after  fighting  hand-to-hand 
as  long  as  there  was  a shadow  of  hope,  arriving  on  the  ground  of  Oakridge  Seminary, 
the  gallant  Colonel,  finding  all  his  efforts  vain,  rushed  into  the  basement  thoroughly 
exhausted.  Soon  a Confederate  officer,  with  a detail  of  men  entered.  On  seeing 
Colonel  Wheelock  vainly  endeavoring  to  break  his  sword,  which  was  of  trusty  metal, 


134 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


the  Confederate  officer  demanded  the  weapon;  but  the  Colonel  declared  he  would 
never  surrender  his  sword  to  a traitor  while  he  lived.  Then  the  Confederate  drew  a 
revolver,  and  told  him  if  he  did  not  surrender  his  sword  he  would  shoot  him.  But  the 
Colonel  was  a veteran;  drawing  himself  up  proudly,  he  tore  open  his  uniform,  bared 
his  bosom,  and  bade  the  officer  “shoot,”  but  he  would  guard  his  sword  with  his  life. 
At  this  moment,  Elias  Sheads,  Carrie’s  father,  stepped  between  the  two,  and  begged 
them  not  to  be  rash;  but  he  was  soon  pushed  aside.  Seeing  the  danger  to  which  the 
Colonel  was  exposed,  Miss  Sheads,  true  to  the  instincts  of  her  sex,  rushed  between 
them.  Turning  to  the  Colonel,  she  pleaded  with  him  to  surrender  his  sword,  and  save 
his  life;  that  by  refusing  he  would  lose  both. 

Fortunately,  at  this  moment  the  attention  of  the  Confederate  officer  was  drawn 
away  by  the  entrance  of  other  prisoners.  Miss  Sheads,  with  admirable  presence  of 
mind,  unclasped  the  Colonel ’s  sword  from  its  belt,  and  hid  it  in  the  folds  of  her  dress. 
When  the  officer  returned,  the  Colonel  told  him  he  was  willing  to  surrender,  and  that 
one  of  his  men  had  taken  his  sword  and  passed  out.  Soon  the  Colonel  “fell  in”  with 
the  other  prisoners  and  marched  to  the  rear.  On  the  5th  of  July,  Colonel  Wheelock 
unexpectedly  made  his  appearance,  and  received  his  sword  from  the  hands  of  its 
noble  guardian,  with  those  profound  emotions  which  only  a soldier  can  feel  and 
understand. 

He  had  managed  to  effect  his  escape  while  crossing  the  mountains,  and,  after 
considerable  difficulty  and  suffering,  succeeded  in  reaching  Gettysburg  in  safety. 
He  finally  died  of  camp  fever,  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  in  January,  1865.  * * * * 

A Prisoner  in  Gettysburg. 

IDO  not  know  who  the  Confederate  Provost  Marshal  was  during  the  occupancy  of 
Gettysburg  by  General  Lee.  I wish  I did,  for  a more  gallant-appearing  officer  I 
never  met,  and  of  the  social  and  agreeable  kind,  too,  without  doubt  the  Confederate 
officers,  if  not  the  men,  as  a rule  entertained  a more  bitter  feeling  toward  the  enemy 
than  did  the  Unionists.  It  was  quite  the  custom  for  the  haughty  Southerner,  clad  in 
shabby  gray — often  times  unkempt  and  unclean — when  taken  prisoner,  to  draw  himself 
up  with  a cold  and  repellant  air,  and  refuse  all  but  “official”  intercourse  with  his 
captors.  This  was  particularly  the  case  in  the  early  stage  of  the  war,  but  somehow  it 
has  a softening,  humanizing  effect  upon  men  to  die  together,  though,  by  each  other’s 
hands,  and  so  by  the  close  of  the  war  both  sides  had  grown  quite  admirably  glad,  I 
suppose,  to  be  humanized  by  having  somebody  else  killed. 

The  Provost  Marshal  of  Gettysburg  was  however,  not  of  the  repellant  kind.  He 
was  a Lieutenant-Colonel,  a very  handsome  man  and  with  a uniform  quite  fresh  and 
bright.  We  had  been  wounded  on  the  first  day — myself  and  many  others  I mean — 
most  of  us  had  been  knocked  over  in  the  early  afternoon,  and  had  been  carried  back 
to  the  town  into  a church  which  had  been  made  a hospital.  We  had  not  been  there 
long  when  such  of  us  as  could  hobble  to  the  door  saw  what  was  left  of  the  1st  corps — 
which  had  been  while  acting  as  the  advance  guard  of  the  army,  broken  and  defeated 
but  not  dismayed — marching  by  the  flank  through  the  town. 

I was  one  of  the  liobblers,  and  I shall  never  forget  the  firm-set  determined  features 
of  the  men.  We  couldn’t  go  with  them,  but  we  afterwards  learned  that  they  had  met 
that  ‘ ‘ Confederate  ally,  ’ ’ General  Hancock  outside,  and  on  another  day  there  was 
another  tale  to  tell. 

We  hobbled  back  to  our  cots  again,  and  soon  an  attendant  came  and  told  us  that 
the  Confederates  had  relieved  our  guards  and  they  were  collecting  all  the  non-wounded 
men  except  the  stewards,  nurses,  etc.,  and  sending  'them  to  the  rear.  I managed  to 
save  my  man  who  had  carried  me  from  the  field,  by  tying  a white  handkerchief  around 
his  arm. 

About  8:00  o’clock  P.M.,  the  Provost  Marshall  came  in.  He  approached  the  group 
of  cots  occupied  by  wounded  officers,  and  greeted  us  quite  cheerily.  ‘ ‘ Good  evening, 
gentlemen,”  he  said.  “I  trust  none  of  you  are  seriously  hurt.  You  have  your  own 
surgeons  and  men  here,  and  they  will  not  be  disturbed.” 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


135 


We  saw  that  he  was  not  of  the  repellant  sort  and  so  we  soon  began  to  ply  him 
with  questions.  He  was  quite  communicative.  Lee ’s  army  was  practically  all  up  and 
flushed  with  victory.  The  Union  army  was  very  much  demoralized.  “We  shall  walk 
over  it  to-morrow,  ’ ’ he  said,  and  then  he  added  something  about  the  time  they  expected 
to  arrive  in  Philadelphia. 

Now  the  truth  is,  I had  always  been  rather  an  optimist  in  this  matter  of  pre- 
serving the  Union,  and  although  things  certainly  did  look  rather  black,  I somehow 
had  no  confidence  in  that  trip  to  Philadelphia,  and  so  I replied  to  the  Colonel:  “I 
say,  Colonel,  if  there  should  happen  to  be  any  ‘just  cause  or  impediment’  which 
prevents  that  walk-over  would  you  mind  dropping  in  and  tell  us  about  it?’’ 

He  laughed  a little  and  said  he  would. 

The  next  day  some  of  us  had  sad  duties,  too.  There  were  those  who  were  seriously 
hurt,  and  as  their  wounds  took  on  that  condition  which  indicates  death’s  firmest  grasp, 
those  of  us  again  that  could  hobble  about,  were  called  to  their  bedside  to  receive  their 
dying  message.  “I  would  like  to  have  seen  it  over,’’  said  one,  and  another  had  lain 
in  a stupor,  suddenly  opened  his  eyes,  and  to  the  ear  bent  his  lips  muttered,  ‘ ‘ Tell  my 
mother — ” but  the  tale  was  never  told. 

It  was  late  in  the  evening  of  the  second  day  when  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  appeared 
again.  He  smiled  as  usual  when  he  approached  us,  though  I fancied  not  as  cheerily 
as  before.  “It  has  been  a terrible  day,”  he  said.  The  Union  Army  was  all  in  front 
of  Lee’s  now,  and  the  fight  had  been  raging  with  varied  success  all  day  and  had 
closed  with  the  advantage  all  in  favor  of  the  South.  He  spoke  of  the  position  on 
Cemetery  Hill  as  a very  strong  one,  and  said  its  capture  was  a necessity.  They  had 
been  waiting  for  Pickett  and  on  the  following  afternoon  a charge  would  be  made,  and 
Cemetery  Eidge  would  be  taken. 

We  were  in  much  improved  spirit.  We  had,  had  some  experience,  and  knew  that 
when  hard  fighting  was  the  order,  that  if  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  not  whipped 
very  soon,  it  was  not  apt  to  be  whipped  at  all. 

“If  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  is  planted,”  said  one,  “you  won’t  be  able  to  dig 
it  up.” 

And  as  the  Colonel  was  about  retiring,  I called  after  him,  thus:  “I  say,  Colonel — 
that  strong  position  of  which  you  speak — that  is  a matter  in  which  we  have  much 
interest,  as  you  will  concede.  Would  you  mind  calling  or  sending  us  word  about  the 
time  you  take  it.  ’ ’ 

He  laughed  pleasantly  again.  “You  will  see,”  he  said. 

We  knew  when  the  charge  took  place  well  enough.  It  was  to  us,  in  the  noise 
which  was  made,  as  though  all  hell  had  broken  loose.  We  knew  from  the  sounds,  too, 
when  it  failed. 

It  grew  still,  as  night  crept  on.  The  Colonel  was  late  in  making  his  appearance, 
and  there  was  no  smile  in  response  to  our  eager  greetings. 

“Yes,  the  charge  has  failed.  There  has  been  a dreadful  loss.”  He  lingered  but 
a little  while,  and  was  reticent.  He  said,  however,  that  another  charge  was  to  be 
made  at  4 : 00  o ’clock  in  the  morning,  and  the  position  would  be  taken. 

“Do  not  fail  to  notify  us,  Colonel,”  I said. 

“No,  I will  not.  Good-night.” 

‘ ‘ That  is  good-bye,  ’ ’ I said  to  an  officer  on  a stretcher  beside  me. 

Our  sleep  was  rather  of  the  desultory  character,  and  we  were  all  wide  enough 
awake  at  4:  00  o’clock,  but  there  was  no  sound  indicating  a charge.  A little  later  an 
attendant  rushed  in.  “Our  men  are  skirmishing  through  the  town,”  he  said.  We 
hobbled  to  the  street,  and  there  sure  enough  were  the  boys  in  blue,  moving  after  the 
manner  of  skirmishers,  quick,  eager,  alert ; watchful,  gradually  moving  through  the 
town.  We  gave  a rather  feeble  cheer  of  welcome,  and  then  we  were  driven  to  cover. 
Lee  and  his  defeated  battalions,  brave  among  the  bravest,  had  struck  a rock  they 
could  not  break,  and  were  marching  back  to  the  “sacred  soil.”  With  the  rear  guard 
was  the  handsome,  dark-eyed  Lieutenant-Colonel,  who  did  not  come  to  tell  us  of  the 
second  charge.  William  J.  Starkes, 

104tli  New  York  Vol.  Inf.  Regiment. 


The  Romance  of  the  Heroine  and  the  Martyr 


The  Story  of  Miss  Jennie  Wade,  Killed  at  Gettysburg, — And  Corporal  Skelly, 
Who  Fell  at  Winchester,  Va. 


PRETTIER  girl  was  not  to  be  found  in  Gettysburg  than  Jennie  Wade, 
l|  representing  the  very  ideal  of  those  war-time  girls,  who  adorned  the 
I*  dreams  of  the  soldier  boys  as  they  slumbered  fitfully  on  the  field  of 
battle.  To  one  soldier  boy  at  least,  she  was  an  ideal.  When  the 
30-day  men  were  off  to  the  front,  she  was  the  girl  left  behind. 
Later,  as  it  became  evident  that  the  Rebellion  was  to  last  much 
longer,  he  was  graduated  into  a three-year  man.  It  was  her  pic- 
ture, and  her  letters  that  cheered  him  through  the  long,  weary 
campaign  under  General  Milroy,  at  Winchester,  Va. 

Corporal  Johnston  Skelly,  of  Co.  F,  87tli  Regt.  Pa.  Vol.  Inf.  (whose  name  is  now 
borne  by  Post  No.  9,  G.  A.  R.,  of  Gettysburg),  a lad  of  19,  when  the  call  came  for 
volunteers,  needed  no  second  call  as  the  camp  life  was  attractive  to  him  from  the 
start.  With  him  was  a brother,  which  helped  to  give  the  camp  something  of  the  atmos- 
phere of  home.  While  the 
regiment  was  fighting  in 
Carter’s  Woods,  an  emi- 
nence beyond  Winchester, 
June  14th,  1863,  the  two 
brothers  were  among  those 
wounded.  There  was  no 
way  for  Jennie  Wade  to 
know  that  her  lover  had 
been  shot  down  during  a 
hand-to-hand  fight,  that  his 
chance  for  life  was  daily 
growing  less,  because  of 
the  lack  of  adequate  med- 
ical attention.  No  doubt 
it  was  just  as  well  that  she 
was  ignorant  of  her  lover ’s 
plight,  for  the  fates  had  decreed  that  she,  along  with  other  pretty  girls  that  the  soldiers 
were  dreaming  about,  was  to  be  sorely  tried. 

Strangest  of  all,  though,  the  martial  order  was  never  fully  shared  by  Jennie 
Wade,  her  heart  and  her  lover  were  for  the  Union;  she  realized  that  the  Confederates 
had  a cause;  she  was  persuaded  to  hate  them,  though  the  man  dearest  to  her  might 
fall  from  their  bullets — as  he  did,  even  then,  she  could  not  know  of  it ; news  traveled 
more  slowly  then  than  now.  Facilities  were  lacking  for  sending  back  a list  of  killed 
and  Wounded  after  every  engagement. 

A few  days  later  the  streets  in  Gettysburg  were  jammed  with  Confederates.  To 
the  citizens  the  worse  had  come.  Yet,  in  the  midst  of  all  these  scenes  of  carnage,  the 
stork  had  been  busy.  The  stork  is  a bird  that  cares  neither  for  peace  or  war ; it  had 
visited  the  home  of  Jennie’s  sister,  a Mrs.  McClellan.  War  or  no  war,  that  baby  had 
to  have  attention,  and  its  mother  must  be  kept  comfortable.  From  their  home 
went  Jennie  and  her  mother  to  the  little  brick  house  that  was  in  the  path  of  the 
invading  army;  sister  and  babe  in  adjoining  room.  While  the  lead  began  to  fly, 
Jennie  was  placidly  baking.  The  men  she  had  learned  to  hate  were  fighting  desperately 

136 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


137 


all  around  her.  The  lover  who  had  opposed  their  northern  march  had  a few  days 
before  succumbed  to  his  wounds,  and  was  lying  in  an  alien  country.  But  of  all  this 
Jennie  could  not  have  the  slightest  suspicion.  All  she  knew  was  that  her  little  family 
was  hungry.  While  the  battle  raged  ever  fiercer,  the  girl  went  on  kneading  dough, 
undismayed  by  her  obvious  danger.  At  last  a ball  struck  the  outer  door  and  ricochetted 
through  an  inner  door,  behind  which  she  was  preparing  for  her  baking.  With  a con- 
vulsive cry,  she  clasped  her  hands  to  her  breast  and  fell.  They  found  her  a few 
hours  later,  lying  by  the  table  on  which  was  the  half-kneaded  dough.  The  irony  of 
events  had  decreed  that  she  was  to  be  the  only  citizen  to  be  killed  during  the  whole 
battle.  Maybe,  after  all,  it  was  a friendly  bullet  that  kept  her  from  learning  that  the 
only  man  she  ever  loved  had  found  a friendless  grave  only  a few  days  before.  * * * 

Brave  Annie  Roberts. 

0 a humble  home  on  Lewis  Street,  New  York  City,  the  early  days  of  July, 
1863,  throbbed  the  news  that  amid  heaps  of  mangled  men,  the  Stars 
and  Stripes  waved  victorious  over  the  field  of  slaughter,  but  that  the 
14th  Brooklyn  regiment  that  had  met  the  first  terrible  swell  of  the 
mighty  invading  wave,  scarcely  existed,  except  in  its  dying  and  its 
dead.  Young,  gentle  and  affectionate  Annie  Boberts,  not  even  taking 
a change  of  clothing,  was  in  less  than  ten  minutes  on  a train  swiftly 
gliding  toward  the  ensanguined  field.  At  Harrisburg  she  was  told  she 
could  go  no  further.  The  only  railroad  leading  to  Gettysburg  had  been 
destroyed  by  the  Confederates,  its  bridges  burned  and  its  rails  warped  into  shapeless 
masses,  on  piles  of  burning  ties.  The  Provost  Marshal  refused  her  a pass  to  enter  the 
army  lines.  What  cannot  a determined  woman  accomplish  when  actuated  by  sacred 
love  ? She  had  a husband  and  a brother  in  the  14th  Brooklyn,  and  both  were  dead  or 
severely  wounded  on  that  battle-plain. 

With  limited  means,  with  no  friends,  that  little  timid,  delicate  woman,  transformed 
for  a time  by  a bravery  sublime  into  a strength  more  than  masculine,  overcoming 
every  obstacle,  was  among  the  first  of  civilians  to  tread  that  blood-soaked  sod,  even 
before  the  dead  were  all  buried  (see  page  61).  From  hospital  to  hospital,  from  trench 
to  trench  of  the  festering  dead,  amid  rain  and  mud,  through  crowds  of  soldiers  and 
amid  sickening  stenches,  that  noble  woman  plodded  on — on — forever  on,  day  after  day, 
scarcely  pausing,  occasionally  to  get  perhaps  on  the  floor  of  some  farmhouse — with 
noise  and  groans  and  noisome  smells  all  around — a few  hours  of  needed  sleep. 

On  the  first  day’s  field,  the  dead  were  buried  wherever  they  fell — right  in  the 
road  with  teams  driving  over  them — in  the  fields  and  through  the  woods  on  either  side. 
Buried  did  I say?  Most  of  our  dead  that  fell  the  first  day  were  left  unburied 
(see  page  61),  during  the  three  following  days  that  the  Confederates  held  the  field. 
When  the  "Unionists  again  took  possession  of  Seminary  Bidge,  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  was  23,000  men  less  than  it  had  been  July  1st,  those  that  were  left  were 
needed  for  the  pursuit  of  Lee’s  Army,  and  to  attend  to  the  wounded;  the  dead  on  the 
first  day’s  field  were  much  decomposed.  Often  a very  few  inches  of  earth  was  the 
covering,  through  w'hich  portions  of  the  body  and  clothing  were  visible  after  the  first 
heavy  rain.  Oh!  the  ghastly  horrors  of  those  sickening  burials  of  valiant  men.  Here 
and  there,  and  everywhere,  at  the  head  of  a rude  mound  was  a piece  of  a cracker  box — 
and  on  it  were  written  in  lead  pencil:  “Unknown  14th  Brooklyn”  or  “Unknown  95th 
N.  Y., ” or  as  you  moved  into  the  McPherson  woods  (Beynold’s  Grove)  “Unknown 
24th  Mich.,”  etc.,  etc. 

Did  Annie  Boberts  succeed?  She  found  her  noble  gray-haired  brother  with  a 
leg  torn  off.  At  length  heard  from  her  brave  husband,  a wounded  prisoner  in  Libby. 
This  was  no  isolated  case.  They  came  by  thousands — from  far  Wisconsin,  from  the 
hills  of  Maine,  from  the  granite  cliffs  of  New  England — all  on  one  common  errand 
of  love,  all  torn  by  the  same  agonizing  feeling  of  doubt,  which  in  thousands  of  cases, 
was  too  soon  dissolved  in  the  certainty  of  despair.  They  came  to  search  for  their  dead — 


138 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


to  minister  to  their  wounded.  Some  were  successful — some  failed.  Some  exhumed 
hundreds  of  bodies,  but  never  found  the  dead  for  whom  they  searched.  God  grant  our 
nation  may  never  behold  another  field  of  fraternal  slaughter.  * * * 

Theological  Seminary. 

The  Seminary  of  the  General  Synod  of  the  Evangelical  Lutheran  Church  in  the 
United  States,  founded  in  1826,  is  an  able  officered  institution  of  high  rank.  It  is 
from  this  seminary  that  the  ridge  receives  the  appellation  by  which  it  is  generally 

known.  This  building  figured  conspicuously 
in  the  battle  as  a prominent  point.  Be- 
neath the  shadow  of  its  consecrated  walls 
the  noble  1st  corps,  on  the  first  of  July, 
1863,  struggled  for  weary  hours  to  hold  the 
line  against  the  overwhelming  masses  in 
gray  that  were  surging  upon  them.  At  its 
very  portals  many  of  the  boys  in  blue  fell 
dead  or  sorely  wounded.  From  its  groves 
and  lawns,  Confederate  cannon  belched 
forth  death.  From  its  cupola,  General  Lee 
Viewed  the  long  line  of  blue,  that  he  vainly 
endeavored  to  crush,  as  they  stood  on  ele- 
vated points  of  observation.  After  the 
battle  it  was  for  many  weary  weeks  a hos- 
pital (as  was  indeed  every  prominent  building 
in  Gettysburg  and  vicinity),  from  every 
room  of  which  resounded  the  groans  of  agony 
and  pain.  Within  its  walls  the  Blue  and 
Gray  were  impartially  nursed  by  tender 
hands  to  a new  lease  of  life,  whilst  there  many  brave  men  breathed  their  last,  far  from 
their  loved  homes  amid  northern  hills,  or  on  western  prairie,  or  sunny  southern  plain. 
In  this  building  the  valiant  Kemper  and  the  chivalrous  Trimble,  both  sorely  wounded 
prisoners  in  the  land  they  had  hoped  to  prostrate  before  the  arms  of  the  Confederacy. 

Pennsylvania  College. 

Another  celebrated  institution,  is  Pennsylvania  College,  which  was  chartered  in 
1832,  and  ranked  amongst  the  leading  colleges  of  the  land.  It  is  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  Lutheran  Church,  unsectarian  in  character,  being  patronized  by  all  prot- 
estant  denominations,  from  almost  every 
State  in  the  Union,  and  even  Roman  Cath- 
olics from  Mexico,  attracted  by  its  repu- 
tation, have  been  enrolled  amongst  its 
students.  Its  alumni  now  fill  responsible 
positions  in  every  portion  of  our  Republic 
and  even  in  foreign  lands. 

The  college  is  situated  on  a plain  in 
the  northern  suburbs  of  the  town.  When 
on  that  sunny  July  day  the  ruthless  storm 
of  battle  so  suddenly  burst  upon  the  quiet 
town  nestling  amongst  enclosing  ridges, 
there  were  only  fragments  of  classes  pres- 
ent, to  have  their  recitations  rudely  closed  by 
the  shrieking  shells  bursting  in  mid-air  above  the  lovely  campus  that  engirdles  the 
stately  buildings.  For  when  Lee’s  army  crossed  the  Potomac  River.  Governor  Curtin 
called  on  Pennsylvanians  to  rally  for  their  imperilled  homes,  and  promptly  did  the 
brave  boys  of  the  college  respond.  In  a few  hours,  from  its  students  a full  company 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


139 


\ras  recruited  for  the  “emergency,”  those  brave  young  men,  many  of  very  tender 
years,  exchanged  the  refinements  of  a student’s  life,  for  the  perils  of  a camp.  Scarcely 
a student  remained  behind,  except  those  physically  unable  to  enlist.  The  company 
was  attached  to  the  26th  Emergency  Regiment,  Penna.  Vol.  Inf. 

The  first  screaming  shell  that  flew  across  Seminary  Eidge,  July  1st,  effectually 
closed  the  collegiate  work  of  the  day,  and  before  night,  the  few  that  remained  saw 
shattered  regiments  in  blue  sullenly  retreating  before  the  exultant  foe  in  gray ; saw 
the  dead  and  the  wounded  falling  at  every  step;  saw  thousands  of  brave  soldiers 
hemmed  in  by  the  narrow  streets  and  shot  down  or  captured ; saw  for  miles  on  every 
side,  far  as  vision  could  reach,  mighty  hosts  above  ■whom  gleamed  long  extended  forests 
of  shining  steel,  tramping  to  the  great  battle  center.  For  weeks  these  classic  halls 
resounded,  not  to  the  recitations  of  ambitious  youths,  but  to  the  groans  of  strong 
men  as  they  realized  that  for  them  life  was  rapidly  ebbing.  From  its  cupola,  General 
Lee  is  said,  beneath  the  hospital  flag,  to  have  scanned  closely  the  Union  battle-line  of 
the  third  day. 

At  the  present  time  the  college  is  enjoying  the  prosperity  it  so  richly  deserves, 
officered  by  one  of  the  ablest  faculties  to  be  found  in  the  land. 

The  Confederate  Dead. 

Thickly  mingled  with  the  boys  in  Blue,  were  many  corpses  that  were  clad  in 
Gray.  As  you  crossed  Willoughby  Eun  and  proceeded  westward,  they  were  more 
numerous,  many  having,  after  the  fighting  of  the  1st  day,  been  removed  to  the  rear; 
and  dying  there.  Nearly  all  were  scantily  buried,  if  you  may  dignify  the  few  shovels- 
full  of  earth  thrown  over  them  with  the  term  burial. 

As  all  are  aware,  the  desecration  of  the  remains  of  the  Union  dead  was  rectified 
as  speedily  as  possible  by  the  action  of  Governor  Curtin,  in  the  establishment  of  the 
National  Cemetery.  We  are  glad  to  chronicle  the  fact  that  after  the  war  “in  1877- 
1879,”  the  remains  of  the  Confederate  dead  were  removed  to  Richmond,  Va.,  and 
properly  interred  in  Hollywood  Cemetery.  Of  course,  in  consequence  of  the  length  of 
time  that  had  elapsed  and  the  imperfect  manner  in  which  they  had  been  buried  over  a 
very  wide  extent  of  country,  in  unmarked  pits  and  trenches  and  often  in  unfrequented 
places,  this  was  imperfectly  done,  and  even  to  the  present  time  human  bones  are 
frequently  turned  up  by  the  plow  where  their  presence  was  not  suspected. 

An  Adams  County  Company  on  its  Own  Soil. 

LITTLE  Adams  County,  in  which  Gettysburg  is  situated,  sent  twenty-eight  full  com- 
panies into  the  Union  Army  during  various  periods  of  the  war.  In  addition,  portions 
of  at  least  nine  others  were  recruited  within  its  limits,  whilst  its  sons  in  considerable 
numbers  were  found  in  regiments  from  many  other  States  as  well  as  in  the  regular 
army.  It  contributed,  in  the  aggregate,  at  least  three  full  regiments  to  the  hosts 
battling  for  national  perpetuity.  Yet  at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  there 
was  but  one  Adams  County  company  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  to  participate  in 
the  battle.  This  was  Co.  K of  the  1st  regiment  of  the  celebrated  Pennsylvania  Reserve 
Corps.  The  author  is  proud  to  say  that  his  father,  Chas.  E.  Gilbert,  was  a member  of 
the  above  company. 

There  were  other  Adams  County  commands  that  participated  in  the  operations  of 
the  campaign  which  attended  Lee’s  invasion  of  the  North;  but  to  Co.  K belongs  the 
proud  distinction  of  being  the  only  company  from  the  county  that  fought  in  the 
Battle  of  Gettysburg. 

This  company  was  one  of  the  finest  and  noblest  that  the  Keystone  Commonwealth 
sent  to  the  war,  being  recruited  principally  from  the  best  families  of  Adams  County- 
young  men  of  principle  and  integrity,  who  in  the  dark  days  of  1861  sacrificed  the  ease 
and  comfort  of  home,  because  they  felt  it  to  be  a sacred  duty  to  rush  to  the  rescue 
of  an  imperilled  Union.  The  company  went  out  under  the  Hon.  Edward  McPherson. 


140 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


The  brave  and  accomplished  Brevet  Brigadier-General  W.  W.  Stuart,  started  his 
military  career  as  a private  in  this  company.  In  the  Gettysburg  campaign  it  was  com- 
manded by  Captain  H.  N.  Minnigh.  Their  record,  as  of  all  that  noble  corps,  “Penn- 
sylvania Reserves,  ’’  was  one  of  hard  service,  honorably  and  conscientiously  performed. 

As  this  company  charged  across  the  rugged  cliffs  of  Little  Round  Top,  many  of  its 
members  could  see  in  the  distance  their  own  homes  and  farms  over  which  were  now 
surging  the  terrible  billows  of  bloody  strife.  * * * 

Tribute  to  General  Birney. 

NO  more  distinguished  or  remarkable  man — no  purer  patriot  or  braver  soldier  was 
evolved  by  the  fierce  strife  attending  the  great  Rebellion  than  Maj.-Gen.  David 
Bell  Birney.  Born  in  the  heart  of  the  slave  region,  at  Huntsville,  Ala.,  he  was,  like 
his  distinguished  father,  an  ardent  lover  of  liberty  and  justice.  The  father  James  G. 
Birney,  twice  candidate  of  the  once  despised  Liberty  party,  for  the  presidency,  had 
dared  the  wrath  of  the  minions  of  slavery  and  shown  the  earnestness  of  his  convictions 
by  manumitting  his  own  slaves,  over  twenty  in  number.  Afterwards,  when  in  Cin- 
cinnati, 0.,  he  established  a paper  that  advocated  emancipation,  he  was  mobbed, 
narrowly  escaped  with  his  life,  and  his  printing  outfit  pitched  into  the  Ohio  River. 

The  son  inherited  the  devotion  to  duty  transmitted  from  the  father.  Early  in 
1861,  he  was  made  a brigadier-general.  At  Fredericksburg  and  Chancellorsville,  he 
proved  himself  an  able  commander,  who  combined  sagacity  with  the  greatest  personal 
courage  and  an  intentive  power  of  inspiring  the  troops  that  fought  under  him.  It  is  at 
Gettysburg,  however,  that  his  name  was  wreathed  by  an  unfading  garland  of  glory. 
Able  and  courageous,  he  was  a fit  commander  for  such  lieutenants  as  Ward,  De 
Trobriand  and  Graham,  who  handled  his  brigades.  When  General  Sickles  was  borne 
from  the  field  he  succeeded  in  command  of  the  corps,  and  did  all  that  judicious 
arrangement  and  personal  valor  could  do  to  stay  the  tide  of  disaster  and  secure  the 
retreat  to  a safer  line.  He  fearlessly  exposed  himself  everywhere  along  the  line 
■where  the  danger  was  greatest  and  the  need  of  a commander  most  keenly  felt.  Twice 
struck  and  slightly  wounded,  he  kept  the  saddle  till  the  last  regiment  had  been 
established  on  a new  line.  His  laurels  won  on  that  disastrous  day  will  never  fade 
in  a nation’s  grateful  recollection.  Elevated  in  1864  to  the  command  of  the  10th 
army  corps,  his  untimely  demise  the  same  year  brought  sorrow  to  all  his  former  com- 
rades in  arms.  * * * 


Rhode  Island  Drummer  Boy. 

“Kiss  me  before  I die,’’  said  the  little  drummer  boy,  to  Mrs.  Judge  Fisher,  of 
York,  Pa.,  as  he  lay  at  the  foot  of  Round  Top,  dying  far  away  from  home  and  his 
dear  mother.  She  kissed  his  pale  cheek,  and  tenderly  held  him  in  her  arms,  till  his 
spirit  had  fled.  His  bereaved  mother  came  several  times  in  search  of  his  body,  but  it 
could  not  be  found  until  1867,  when  it  was  sent  to  his  home  in  Providence,  R.  I. 

His  broken  drum  was  found  near  him,  by  Farmer  Jacob  Weikert,  who  turned  it 
into  a bee-liive,  which  for  sixteen  years  was  used  in  this  strange  and  significant 
employment. 


Death  seemed  the  legend  : but  it  only  slept 
To  wake  beneath  our  sky ; 

Just  on  the  spot  when  ravening  Treason  crept 
Back  to  its  lair  to  die.  [bounds 


Bleeding  and  torn  from  Freedom’s  mount’n, 

A stained  and  shattered  drum, 

Is  now  the  hive,  where  on  their  flow'ry  rounds, 
The  wild  bees  go  and  come. 


The  Rev.  Father  Corby’s  Benediction. 

JUST  before  the  Irish  brigade  went  into  the  Wheal,  field,  one  of  the  most  impressive 
scenes  of  the  entire  battle  was  enacted.  Col.  Patrick  Kelly  was  in  command  and  when 
he  gave  orders  to  form  for  battle,  there  was  no  call  to  explain  that  the  business 
in  hand  was  of  a serious  nature.  Every  moment  was  precious,  but  still  it  was  deemed 
wise  and  fitting  to  take  time  for  a parting  benediction  by  the  chaplain,  the  Rev.  Wm. 
Corby,  C.  S.  C. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


141 


For  hundreds  it  was  tlieir  last.  Shot  and  shell  were  whistling  over  the  field.  Even 
where  the  troops  were  formed  there  came  shots  that  bespoke  the  danger  near-by. 
Drawn  by  the  side  of  the  brigade  were  General  Hancock  and  his  staff,  in  full  regi- 
mentals— a collection  of  officers  that  inspired,  not  only  by  the  appearance  of  the  Rev. 
Father  Corby,  whose  rugged  simplicity  of  face  and  figure  was  in  full  accord  with  his 
character. 

A rock  formed  a natural  pulpit  on  which  Father  Corby  stood.  His  first  words 
were  of  comfort.  All,  he  declared,  might  receive  the  benefits  of  absolution  by  sincere 
contrition  at  this  time,  to  be  followed  by  the  confession  of  their  sins  at  the  opportunity. 
Next  he  urged  the  men  to  do  their  duty  well,  reminding  them  of  the  high  and  sacred 
nature  of  the  trust  reposed  in  them,  also  that  the  Catholic  Church  refused  Christian 
burial  to  a soldier  who  turned  his  back  on  the  foe,  or  deserted  his  flag.  Standing  at 
attention,  the  brigade  heard  the  short  simple  address,  at  its  close,  with  one  accord, 
every  man  fell  to  his  knees  and  bowed  his  head.  Then  Father  Corby  stretched  forth 
his  right  hand  and  pronounced  the  words  of  general  absolution. 


Dominus  noster  Jesus  Christus  vos  absolvat,  et  ego  auctoritate  ipsius, 
vos  absolvo  a vinculo  excommunications  et  interdict i in  quantum 
possum  et  vos  indigetis ; delude,  ego  vos  absolvo  a peccatis  vestris 
in  nomine  Patris,  et  Filii,  et  spiritus  Sancti.  Amen.” 

The  scene  was  more  than  impressive,  it  was  awe-inspiring.  When  he  had  finished 
the  words,  the  men  were  led  on  in  a furious  charge  in  which  scores  of  them  met 
their  death.  The  roar  of  battle  rose  and  swelled  and  re-echoed  through  the  woods, 
making  music  more  sublime  than  ever  sounded  through  cathedral  aisles. 

General  Mulholland  says:  “I  do  not  think  that  there  was  a man  in  the  brigade 
who  did  not  offer  up  a heart-felt  prayer.  For  some  it  was  their  last;  they  knelt  in 
their  grave  clothes;  who  can  doubt  but  that  their  prayers  were  good?” 

Father  Corby  was  undoubtedly  impressed  by  the  reverence  showm  by  the  men 
as  he  pronounced  the  words  of  absolution,  for  in  his  “Memoirs  of  Chaplain  Life,”  he 
says:  “In  performing  the  ceremony,  I faced  the  army.  I noticed  that  all  Catholics 
and  non-Catholies,  officers  and  men,  showed  a profound  respect.  Major-General 
Hancock  removed  his  hat,  and  bowed  in  reverential  devotion.  That  general  absolution 
was  intended  for  all — in  quantum  possum — not  only  for  our  men,  but  for  all,  North 
and  South,  who  were  susceptible  of  it,  and  who  w'ere  about  to  appear  before  their  Judge. 

Note. — The  statue  of  Rev.  Father  Corby,  now  marks  the  spot  where  he  stood  on 
that  memorable  day.  It  wms  erected  by  the  Catholic  Alumni  Sodality  of  Philadelphia, 
through  the  interest  of  Gen.  St.  Clair  Mulholland  of  the  116th  Pa.  Regiment.  The 
monument  is  to  the  memory  of  three  New  York  regiments  belonging  to  the  brigade.  * * * 


142 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


The  Present  Breast-Works. 

It.  is  wonderful  how  rapidly  during  a night  as  if  by  magic,  miles  of  earthworks 
will  arise,  where  a battle  is  anticipated.  Old  soldiers  know  all  about  that  by  re- 
peated experience.  How  often,  after  a 
toilsome  march,  the  hours  so  badly  needed 
for  rest  were  used  for  fortifying.  It  was 
hard  labor  for  exhausted  men,  but  better 
than  to  be  unprotected  from  the  bullets 
of  the  enemy.  Most  of  the  earthworks 
built  by  the  two  armies  at  Gettysburg 
had  for  their  basis  fence-rails,  cord- 
wood,  felled  trees,  stone,  etc.,  against 
which  earth  was  thrown.  * * * 

A Confederate  Sharpshooter’s  Fate  at  Devil’s  Den. 

All  the  massive  rocks  in  this  vicinity  bear  numerous  marks  of  the  missiles  from 
artillery  and  small  arms.  Some  of  them  have  hundreds  of  the  peculiar  discoloration 
made  wherever  a musket  ball  strikes  one  of  these  granite  rocks,  whilst  many  places 
can  be  seen  where  fragments  were  scaled  off  by  the  shot  and  shell  of  death-dealing 
cannon.  Only  a few  yards  from  this  spot,  a Confederate  sharpshooter  had  placed 
himself  in  the  fissure  between  two  rocks.  There  was  just  room  in  the  narrow  aperture 
for  his  body.  He  had  built  up  in  front  a stone  wall  for  protection,  and  from  behind 
this  he  picked  off  at  leisure  the  exposed  officers  on  Little  Bound  Top.  Shell  after 
shell  was  fired  at  him,  but  an  error  of  only  a yard  or  two  caused  them  to  strike  the 
solid  rock  on  .either  side,  which  still  bears  unmistakable  marks  of  this  fierce  bombard- 
ment. At  length  a shell  more  truly  aimed  reached  the  exact  spot,  and  after  the  battle 
his  body  was  found,  without  a mark  upon  it.  It  was  supposed  his  death  was  due  from 
the  concussion  of  an  exploding  shell.  * * * (See  page  61.) 

General  Early’s  Requisition. 

On  the  afternoon  of  June  26th,  General  Early  arrived  at  Gettysburg,  and  made  the 
following  requisition  on  the  borough  authorities:  60  barrels  of  flour,  7,000  pounds  of 
pork  or  bacon,  1,200  pounds  of  sugar,  600  pounds  of  coffee,  1,000  pounds  of  salt,  10 
bushels  of  onions,  1,000  pairs  of  shoes,  500  hats,  or  $10,000  in  money. 

He  was  answered  by  Mr.  David  Kendlehart,  president  of  the  Council,  as  follows: 

Gettysburg,  Pa.,  June  26th,  1863. 

To  General  Early : 

Sir: — The  authorities  of  the  Borough  of  Gettysburg,  in  answer  to  the  demand  made  by 
you  upon  the  said  borough  and  county,  say  their  authority  extends  but  to  the  borough.  That 
the  requisition  asked  for  cannot  be  given,  as  it  is  utterly  impossible  to  comply.  The  quantities 
required  are  far  beyond  that  in  our  possession.  In  compliance,  however,  to  the  demands  we 
will  request  the  stores  to  be  opened,  and  the  citizens  to  furnish  whatever  they  can  of  such 
provisions,  etc.  Further  we  cannot  promise. 

By  authority  of  the  council  of  the  Borough  of  Gettysburg,  I hereunto,  as  President  of 
said  borough,  attach  my  name.  David  Kendlehart. 

General  Early  that  evening  received  orders  to  proceed  to  York,  and  the  requisition  was 
not  again  asked.  * * * 

Mrs.  B.  H.  Spencer,  of  Oswego,  N.  Y.,  whose  husband  enlisted  in  the  147th 
N.  Y.  regiment,  followed  that  organization  to  the  front,  and  made  herself  useful  as  a 
nurse  and  hospital  attendant.  On  the  march  toward  Gettysburg  she  rode  a horse 
which  carried,  besides  herself,  bedding,  cooking  utensils,  clothing,  and  supplies  for  the 
sick  and  wounded.  While  the  great  battle  was  in  progress,  Mrs.  Spencer,  a part  of  the 
time  actually  under  fire,  established  a field  hospital  in  which  60  wounded  soldiers  were 
treated.  One  day  she  discovered  a townsman  of  her  own,  who  had  been  shot  through 
the  throat,  and  he  could  swallow  nothing.  She  ask  him  if  he  could  do  without  food 
for  a week.  The  soldier,  who  was  young  and  strong,  gave  signs  that  he  could.  “Then,” 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


143 


said  she,  “Do  as  I tell  you,  and  you  shall  not  die.”  She  procured  a basin  of  pure 
cold  water,  and  directed  him  to  keep  the  wound  continually  wet,  which  he  did;  the 
inflammation  soon  subsided  and  the  edges  of  the  wound  could  be  closed  up,  after 
which  she  began  to  feed  him  carefully  with  broth,  and  every  day  brought  further 
improvement  until  he  entirely  recovered.  * * * 


During  one  of  the  charges  made  upon  the 
147th  regiment  Penna.  Vol.  Inf.,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  3rd,  and  after  the  repulse  of  the 
enemy,  a wounded  Confederate,  in  their  front 
was  discovered  loading  his  gun.  A number 
of  the  boys  fired  at  him,  when,  soon  after,  his 
gun  was  discharged,  and  it  was  ascertained 
that  he  hal  biown  the  whole  top  of  his  head 
off.  He  had  been  wounded  through  the  thigh, 
and  probably  preferred  ending  his  misery  to 
undergoing  the  suffering ; or,  perhaps  he  was 
a deserter  from  the  Union  Army. 

As  the  foe  in  one  of  their  assaults  were 
retreating,  Orderly-Sergeant  Howieter,  of  Co. 
H,  said:  “Why  don’t  we  charge?  Why  don’t 
we  charge?”  when  he  was  struck  by  a Con- 
federate bullet  and  fell  dead  in  the  ranks. 

Another  incident,  furnished  by  a member  of 
the  same  regiment,  is  given  to  illustrate  the 
horrors  of  this  spot,  as  well  as  the  indiffer- 
ence produced  by  continued  contact  with  the 
shocking  scenes  of  war.  Whilst  details  were 
burying  the  dead  which  had  fallen  in  the 
attack  on  Culp’s  Hill,  and  one  of  the  trenches 
was  ready  to  cover,  a member  of  one  of  the 
Ohio  regiments  asked:  “How  many  are  in 
this  trench?”  “Seventy-three,”  was  the  an- 
swer, “Make  it  73  and  a foot,”  and  suiting 
the  action  to  the  word,  he  threw  into  the 
trench  a foot,  which  had  been  torn  from  some 
soldier  by  a shell.  * * * 

The  Second  Maryland  Confederate  regi- 
ment, commanded  by  Lieut. -Col.  James  R. 
Herbert,  the  boast  and  pride  of  the  Southern 
army,  made  an  assault  on  the  night  of  July  2, 
on  the  Federal  entrenchments  on  Culp’s  Hill. 
In  this  movement  they  occupied  part  of  the 
Federal  works,  but  the  next  morning,  in 
storming  the  hill  in  the  face  of  Geary’s  White 
Star  division,  they  were  compelled  to"  fall 
back  with  heavy  loss.  Nearly  all  the  com- 
missioned officers  were  killed  or  wounded,  of 
the  400  who  went  into  the  fight,  52  were 
killed  and  140  wounded.  Colonel  Herbert 
was  severely  wounded.  Being  captured  he 
was  sent  to  Johnson’s  Island,  Ohio,  and  in 
1864  was  exchanged  for  a lieutenant-colonel 
of  a New  York  regiment,  and  within  30  days 
again  commanded  his  regiment.  * * * 

The  Confederate  General,  Armistead.  As 
he  was  being  carried  to  the  rear,  he  was  met 
by  Captain  Bingham  of  General  Hancock’s 
staff,  who,  getting  off  his  horse,  asked  him  if 
he  could  do  anything  for  him.  Armistead 
replied : “Take  my  watch,  spurs  and  letters 
to  General  Hancock,  that  they  might  be  sent 
to  my  relatives.”  His  wishes  were  complied 
with,  General  Hancock  sending  them  to  his 
friends.  He  was  shot  through  the  body  and 
fell  inside  the  Union  lines.  * * * 

A young  Confederate  officer  shot  by  a Yan- 
kee cavalryman,  lay  dying  on  the  field.  He 
begged  for  a drink  of  water,  and  the  soldier 
who  shot  him  dismounted  to  give  it  to  him. 
As  he  took  the  dying  soldier’s  head  in  his 
arms  to  raise  it,  he  recognized  the  features 
of  his  own  brother.  * * * 

General  Iverson  of  the  Confederate  Army, 
says  in  his  official  report:  "The  enemy  ( Rob- 
inson’s division),  charged  in  overwhelming 


force  upon  and  captured  nearly  all  of  my 
three  regiments  that  were  unhurt.  When  I 
saw  white  handkerchiefs  raised  and  my  line 
of  battle  still  lying  down  in  position,  I char- 
acterized the  surrender  as  disgraceful  ; but 
when  I found  afterwards  that  500  of  my  best 
men  were  left  dead  and  wounded  in  a line  as 
straight  as  a dress  parade,  I exonerated  the 
survivors  and  claim  for  the  brigade  that  they 
nobly  fought  and  died.  * * * 

Massachusetts  was  the  commonwealth 
that  gave  the  impetus  to  the  movement  for 
monumental  indications  on  the  Gettysburg 
battlefield.  All  honor  to  her  for  it.  Double 
honor  to  the  regiment  that  out  of  360  organ- 
izations, erected  the  1st  monument  long  be- 
fore the  States  had  moved  in  the  matter. 
That  regiment  was  the  2nd  Mass.  Their 
monument  was  dedicated  July  3rd,  1879,  the 
first  regimental  monument  on  the  grounds. 

Hancock  and  Cross.  As  General  Cald- 
well’s division  of  the  2nd  corps  crossed  the 
road  north  of  the  Wheatfield,  going  into  action, 
July  2nd,  General  Hancock  sat  upon  his  horse 
looking  at  the  troops.  As  Colonel  Cross,  of 
the  5th  N.  H.  regiment,  passed  by,  he  said  to 
him : “Cross,  this  is  the  last  battle  you’ll 
fight  without  a star.”  Without  stopping, 
Cross  replied,  “Too  late,  too  late,  General, 
this  is  my  last  battle.”  Ten  minutes  later 
the  country  lost  one  of  its  best  soldiers. 
Colonel  Cross  was  dead,  shot  at  the  head  of 
his  brigade,  leading  them  to  the  charge.  * * 

Barksdale  and  Bigelow.  On  the  evening 
of  July  2nd,  the  21st  Miss,  regiment  of  General 
Barksdale’s  brigade,  charged  Bigelow’s  9th 
Mass,  battery.  As  they  swept  forward,  the 
battery  tore  them  with  grape  and  canister,  but 
it  was  finally  exhausted.  “Shell  without  fuse,” 
shouted  the  brave  captain,  as  the  Confederates 
thronged  about  the  muzzles  of  his  guns.  Gen- 
eral McLaw  testified  as  to  the  admirable  serv- 
ice of  the  battery.  He  reports  that  one  shell 
killed  and  wounded  30  out  of  a company  of  37. 

On  August  29th,  1914,  George  W.  Wood- 
ward, in  searching  plowed  ground  for  relics  of 
the  battle,  found  human  bones  that  were  over- 
turned by  a plow,  with  a dig  iron.  He  later 
unearthed  the  remains  of  three  Union  sol- 
diers (as  shown  by  buttons,  etc.).  In  the 
shoe  of  one  of  the  bodies  were  found,  two 
well-preserved  five  dollar  gold  pieces,  dated 
1835-1844.  # 

The  bodies  were  reburied  in  the  Soldiers’ 
National  Cemetery.  * * * 

The  first  Union  soldier  killed  on  the  Gettys- 
burg battlefield  was  Sergt.  Geo.  W.  Sandoe, 
who  enlisted  on  the  20th  of  June,  1863,  and 
was  mustered  into  the  United  States  service  on 
the  23rd.  in  Co.  B,  21st  Penna.  Cavalry. 
He  was  killed  on  the  26th,  while  opposing 
the  advance  of  Early’s  division,  of  the  Con- 
federate Army.  * * * 

James  P.  Ulrich,  of  Co.  G,  growled  at  one 
of  his  comrades  for  kicking  his  gun,  while  he 
was  loading  it.  This  his  comrade  denied. 
When  Jim  came  to  a ready,  he  found  that  the 
stock  had  been  carried  away  by  a Confederate 
shot.  * * * 


144 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


A Bullet-marked  House.  Confederate 
sharpshooters  occupied  a large  brick  house  on 
South  Washington  Street,  fancied  security. 
The  Union  sharpshooters  failed  to  dislodge 
them,  when  suddenly  a Union  shell  tore 
through  the  gable  end  of  the  house,  sweeping 
furniture  and  Confederates  from  it  with  more 
haste  than  grace.  The  house  bears  the  marks 
of  over  500  bullets.  Similar  was  the  experi- 
ence of  George  Little,  West  Middle  Street, 
who,  just  rising  from  their  supper  table  had 
it  abruptly  cleared  for  them  by  a Whitworth 
shell.  * * * 

How  the  Town  Escaped.  Visitors  express 
surprise  when  told  that  the  town  suffered 
but  little  damage  from  shot  and  shell,  but 
this  is  easily  accounted  for.  The  batteries 
were  placed  on  opposite  hills,  the  town  lying 
between,  and  to  land  shot  or  shell  among 
their  opponents,  it  was  necessary  to  fire  them 
not  through  but  over  the  town,  and  it  was 
only  when  they  fell  short  that  damage  re- 
sulted. * * * 

The  Fortunes  of  War.  A young  Wentz, 
whose  father  lived  near  the  Peach  Orchard, 
went  south  before  the  war.  When  it  broke 
out,  he  donned  the  gray  and  through  the 
irony  of  fate  stood,  during  the  battle  with 
his  battery  in  his  father’s  yard.  * * * 

Wesley  Culp  went  south,  and  entered  the 
Confederate  Army  and  with  EivelVs  men 
traversed  the  familiar  streets  of  Gettysburg, 
calling  on  his  sister,  and  promising  to  see 
them  again.  But  he  came  no  more,  for  a few 
hours  later  he  was  one  of  the  hundreds  of 
corpses  in  gray  that  lay  amid  the  rocks  on 
Culp’s  Hill,  where  he  once  roamed  and  played 
in  boyhood’s  joyous  hours  (see  page  87). 

There  was  much  sickness  in  Gettysburg 
after  the  battle,  and  many  of  the  heroines 
died  as  the  result  of  overwork  and  the  unsani- 
tary conditions.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Culp  were 
both  ill  with  typhoid  fever  when  their  son’s 
body  was  brought  home.  * * * 

Sherffy  House,  near  the  Peach  Orchard, 
was  struck  by  over  150  minie  balls,  and  four 
shells  passed  entirely  through  the  building. 
The  barn  was  burned  by  an  exploding  shell, 
and  with  it  were  consumed  the  bodies  of 
many  wounded  of  the  114th  regiment  Penna. 
Vol.  Infantry,  who  were  posted  at  this  point 
and  lost  heavily,  many  of  the  wounded  having 
taken  refuge  in  the  barn.  * * * 

Where  is  the  Battlefield?  asked  a new 
arrival,  as  he  stood  in  the  center  square  of 
the  town  and  addressed  a one-legged  veteran, 
who  came  hobbling  on  his  timber  toe.  “Right 
where  you  are,  sir,”  said  the  old  soldier, 
saluting.  “A  battery  of  artillery  was  wheeled 
into  action  and  down  that  street,  a withering 
fire  was  poured  on  an  advancing  regiment  of 
•the  enemy.”  * * * 

Colonel  Jeffords,  of  the  4th  Mich.  Inf. 
Regiment,  was  killed  by  a Confederate  bay- 
onet thrust  while  heroically  holding  up  with 
his  own  hands  the  colors  of  his  command.  * * 

There  are  five  lofty  observation  towers  on 
the  battlefield,  which  command  a splendid 
birds-eye  view  of  the  scene  of  the  great  hos- 
tilities. They  are  constructed  of  steel,  GO  to 
75  feet  high,  and  the  tops  are  reached  by  wide 
stairways.  * * * 

The  first  soldier  killed  on  the  Confederate 
side  was  Henry  Raison,  of  Co.  B,  7th -Tenn. 


Infantry  Regiment.  He  fell  dead  on  the 
skirmish  line.  The  company  was  commanded 
by  Capt.  John  Allen.  * * * 

Court  House.  The  present  court  house 
corner  Baltimore  and  Middle  streets,  was  built 
in  1858-9,  at  a cost  of  $17,000.  A shell 
exploded  in  the  cupola,  on  the  second  day 
of  the  battle,  while  the  building  was  filled 
with  wounded  soldiers.  * * * 


At  the  foot  of  Christ  Lutheran  Church 
steps  on  Chambersburg  Street,  stands  a me- 
morial tablet  which  marks  the  spot  where 
Chaplain  Howell,  of  the  90th  Penna.  regiment, 
was  shot  and  instantly  killed  whilst  ascending 
the  steps  to  minister  to  the  wants  of  the 
wounded  and  dying  with  which  the  church 
was  filled.  * * * 

Drummer  Gilbert’s  wife,  the  author’s 
mother,  was  driven  from  her  baking-tray.  So 
emulating  in  her  wrath  the  famous  Moll 
Pitcher,  she  marched  to  the  front  .and  re- 
mained with  her  husband.  * * * 

Spangler’s  Spring,  located  within  the 
Union  lines,  southeast  of  Culp’s  Hill.  During 
the  night  of  the  second  day’s  battle,  the 
Confederate  and  Federal  soldiers  mingled 
freely  in  obtaining  water  for  the  wounded. 
* * * (See  page  G6.) 

During  the  cannonading  on  the  afternoon 
of  July  3,  each  gun  was  fired  at  least  twice  a 
minute-,  and  allowing  150  guns,  we  have  300 
missiles  thrown  from  the  Confederate  guns 
each  minute ; 31,500  for  the  one  and  three- 

quarters  hours  during  which  the  firing  con- 
tinued. * * * 

Of  the  27,574  muskets  picked  up  on  the 
battlefield  of  Gettysburg  and  turned  into  the 
Washington  Arsenal,  at  least  2,400  were 
loaded,  about  one-half  of  this  number  con- 
tained two  charges  each  ; one-quarter,  three 
to  ten  charges  each,  and  the  balance,  one 
charge  each.  The  largest  number  of  cart- 
ridges found  in  any  one  piece  was  20.  In 
some  cases  the  paper  of  the  cartridges  was 
unbroken,  and  in  others  the  powder  was  up- 
permost.— “Benton’s  Ordnance  and  Gunnery, 
P.  Hi,” 

It  has  been  well  said  that  Gettysburg  was 
the  common  soldier's  battle ; that  its  great 
results  were  due,  not  so  much  to  any  general- 
ship either  in  strategy  or  in  tactics,  as  to 
the  intelligent  courage  and  the  magnificent 
staying  power  of  the  Federal  soldiers.  * * 


THE  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


Manassas  (Bull  Run),  Va.,  July  21st,  1861.  Union  lost  2,552.  Confederates  lost 
2,405,  also  Brigadier-General  Bee  and  Barton,  killed. 

Fort  Donnelson,  Tenn.,  February  14th,  1862.  Union  lost  1,286.  Maj.-Gen.  John 
A.  Logan  -wounded.  Confederates  lost  15,067. 

Shiloh  (Pittsburgh  Landing),  Tenn.,  April  5th,  May  3rd,  1862.  Union  lost  13,285. 
Brig. -Gen.  W.  T.  Sherman  and  H.  L.  Wallace,  wounded,  and  B.  M.  Prentiss,  captured. 
Confederates  lost  2,699.  Maj.-Gen.  A.  S.  Johnson,  commander-in-ehief,  and  Brig. -Gen. 
A.  H.  Gladden,  killed.  W.  S.  Cheatham,  C.  Clark,  B.  R.  Johnson  and  J.  S.  Bowen, 
wounded. 

Antietam,  Md.,  September  17th,  1862.  Union  lost  12,469.  Brigadier-General 
Mansfield,  killed;  Major-General  Hooker,  Richardson,  Brigadier-General  Rodman, 
Weber,  Sedgwick,  Hartsuff,  Dana  and  Meagher,  wounded.  Confederates  lost  25,899. 
Brigadier-General  Brauch,  Anderson  and  Stark,  killed;  Maj.-Gen.  Anderson,  Brigadier- 
General  looms,  Lawton,  Ripley,  Rodes,  Armistead,  Gregg  and  Ranson,  wounded. 

Fredericksburg,  Va.,  December  13th,  1862.  Union  lost  12,353.  Brigadier-General 
Jackson  and  Bayard,  killed;  Gibbon  and  Vinton,  wounded.  Confederates  lost  4,576. 
Brig. -Gen.  T.  R.  R.  Cobb,  killed;  Maxey,  Gregg,  wounded. 

Chancellorsville,  Va.,  May  lst-4th,  1863.  Union  lost  16,030.  Major-General  Berry, 
Brigadier-General  Whipple,  killed ; Devan  and  Kirby,  wounded.  Confederates  lost 
14,281.  Lieut.-Gen.  J.  S.  (Stonewall)  Jackson,  mortally  wounded;  Brigadier-General 
Paxton,  killed;  Maj.-Gen.  A.  P.  Hill,  Brigadier-General  Hoke,  Nichols,  Ramseur, 
McGown,  Heth  and  Pender,  wounded. 

Siege  of  Vicksburg,  Miss.,  May  18th,  July  4th,  1863.  Union  lost  4,536.  Confed- 
erates lost  31,  277. 

Chattanooga,  Lookout  Mountain  and  Missionary  Ridge,  Tenn.,  November  23rd- 
25th,  1863.  Union  lost  5,616.  Confederates  lost  8,666. 

Wilderness,  Va.,  May  5th-7th,  1864.  Union  lost  46,337.  Brigadier-General  Wads- 
worth, Hays,  killed,  and  Webb,  wounded.  Confederates  lost  11,400.  General  Jones  and 
Pickett,  killed,  and  Longstreet,  Pegram,  Stafford,  Hunter  and  Jennings,  wounded. 

Spottsylvania,  Va.,  May  8th-18th,  1864.  Union  lost  23,441.  Major-General  Sedgwick 
and  Brigadier-General  Rice,  Owens  and  Stevenson,  killed;  Robertson,  Bartlett,  Morris 
and  Baxter,  wounded.  Confederates  lost  9,000.  General  Daniels  and  Perrin,  killed; 
Hays  and  Walker,  wounded;  Maj.-Gen.  Edward  Johnson  and  Brigadier-General 
Stewart,  captured. 

Cold  Harbor-Gaines  Mills,  Va.,  June  lst-12th,  1864.  Union  lost  14,931.  Brigadier- 
General  Brooks  and  Barnes,  killed;  Tyler,  Stannard  and  Johnson,  wounded.  Con- 
federates lost  17,000.  Brigadier-General  Doles  and  Keitt,  killed;  Kirkland,  Finnegan, 
Law  and  Lane,  wounded. 

Antietam,  the  bloodiest;  Chancellorsville,  hardest  fought;  Gettysburg,  the 
greatest  battles. 


Closing  Days  of  the  Rebellion. 


April  3,  1865, 
April  9,  1865, 
April  17,  1865, 
April  26,  1865, 
May  10,  1865, 
May  10,  1865, 
May  11,  1865, 
May  26,  1865, 


Fall  of  Richmond,  Va ...with  6,000  Confederate  prisoners 

Surrender  of  Lee  to  Grant with  26,000  Confederate  prisoners 

Surrender  of  Mosby  to  Hancock with  1,700  Confederate  prisoners 

Surrender  of  Johnson  to  Sherman with  29,942  Confederate  prisoners 

Capture  of  Jefferson  Davis,  at  Irvinsville,  Ga., 

Surrender  of  Sam  Jones  to  McCook with  8,000  Confederate  prisoners 

Surrender  of  Jeff.  Thompson  to  Dodge.  ..  .with  7,454  Confederate  prisoners 

Surrender  of  Kirby  Smith  to  Canby with  20,000  Confederate  prisoners 

145 


IO 


Roster  of  the  Armies 


Detailed  Report  of  Losses  in  Each  Army  of  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg. 
Compiled  from  Official  Reports. 


ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC. 


CAPTURED  OR 

KILLED 

WOUNDED 

MISSING 

<D 

T3 

CO 

T3 

09 

<D 

Q) 

m QJ 

bfl 

<D 

O 

G 

o 

Enlisi 

Men 

Q) 

O 

G 

o 

Enlisi 

Men 

<D  w 

& 

0« 

Men 

o> 

u 

ho 

bo 

◄ 

General  Headquarters — Staff.  . . 

2 

2 

4 

Command  of  Provost-Marshal, 
Brig. -Gen.  Marsena  R.  Patrick 
93rd  New  York  Infantry* 

2nd  Pennsylvania  Cavalry.... 

6th  Pennsylvania  Cavalry 

8th  U.  S.  Infantry*  8 companies 

(Detachment  Regular  Cavalry) 
1st,  2nd,  5th,  6th 

Oneida  (N.  Y.)  Cavalry 

— 

Engineer  Brigade, 

Henry  W-.  Benham — - 

15th  N.  Y.  (battalion)*  3 com. 

50th  New  York*  

Battalion  United  States 

— 

— 

FIRST  ARMY 

Corps  Headquarters. — Staff.  . . . 

CORPS — Reynoldsf,  Doubledayt,  Newton, 

1 1 

2 

1st  Maine  Cavalry,  Co.  L 

1 

2 

3 

First  Brigade, 

Meredithj.  W.  W.  Robinson — 
Staff  

First  Division — 

Wadsivorth. 

1 

1 

19th  Indiana  

2 

25 

12 

121 

4 

46 

210 

24th  Michigan  

8 

50 

13 

201 

3 

88 

363 

2nd  Wisconsin  

1 

25 

11 

144 

5 

47 

233 

6th  Wisconsin  

2 

28 

7 

109 

22 

168 

7th  Wisconsin  

21 

10 

95 

i 

51 

178 

Total  1st  Brigade 

13 

149 

54 

670 

13 

254 

1,153 

Second  Brigade,  Cutler — 

7th  Indiana  

2 

5 

3 

10 

76th  New  York  

2 

30 

ie 

116 

70 

234 

84th  N.  Y.  (14th  Bklyn.  Mil.) 

13 

6 

99 

99 

217 

95th  New  York  

7 

8 

54 

i 

45 

115 

147th  New  York  

3 

40 

9 

125 

92 

269 

56th  Penna.  (9  companies)  . . . 

1 

13 

5 

55 

2 

54 

130 

Total  Second  Brigade.  . . . 

6 

105 

44 

454 

3 

363 

975 

Total  First  Division 

19 

254 

98 

1,124 

16 

617 

2,128 

Staff  

Second 

Division- 

— Robinson. 

V 1 

1 

•Not  engaged. 

fKilled  July  1st,  while  in  command  of  the  left  wing  of  the  army;  Major-General  Doubleday 
commanded  the  corps  July  1st,  and  Major-General  Newton  on  July  2nd-3rd.  tWounded. 

146 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


147 


KILLED 

WOUNDED 

CAPTURED  OR 
MISSING 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Aggregate 

First  Brigade, 

Paul,*  Leonard,*  Coulter * — 

Staff  

1 

1 

2 

1 

5 

16th  Maine  

2 

7 

5 

54 

11 

153 

232 

13th  Massachusetts  

7 

4 

73 

3 

98 

185 

94th  New  York  

12 

6 

52 

8 

167 

245 

104th  New  York  

11 

10 

81 

10 

82 

198 

11th  Pennsylvania  

1 

2 

12 

15 

107th  Pennsylvania 

11 

8 

48 

6 

92 

165 

Total  First  Brigade 

2 

49 

36 

321 

40 

593 

1,041 

Second  Brigade,  Baxter — 

Staff 

1 

1 

12th  Massachusetts  

2 

3 

7 

45 

3 

59 

119 

83rd  N.  Y.  (9th  Militia) 

2 

4 

3 

15 

58 

82 

97th  New  York  

2 

10 

9 

27 

3 

75 

126 

11th  Pennsylvania!  

5 

6 

44 

62 

117 

88th  Pennsylvania  

3 

3 

51 

4 

45 

106 

90th  Pennsylvania  

i 

7 

3 

42 

1 

39 

93 

Total  Second  Brigade.... 

7 

32 

31 

224 

12 

338 

644 

Total  Second  Division 

9 

81 

68 

545 

52 

931 

1,686 

Third  Division 

Staff 

Douhleday ,*  Rowley.* 

1 

8 

9 

First  Brigade,  Biddle,  Rowley* — 
Staff  . . . '. 

1 

1 

80th  N.  Y.  (20th  Militia) 

3 

32 

15 

93 

i 

23 

170 

121st  Pennsylvania  

12 

5 

101 

l 

60 

176 

142nd  Pennsylvania  

3 

10 

11 

117 

2 

68 

211 

151st  Pennsylvania  

2 

29 

7 

195 

2 

100 

335 

Total  First  Brigade 

8 

83 

39 

509 

6 

251 

896 

Second  Brigade, 

Stone,*  Wister*  Dana — 

143rd  Pennsylvania  

1 

20 

10 

130 

91 

252 

149th  Pennsylvania 

1 

33 

12 

159 

4 

127 

336 

150th  Pennsylvania 

2 

27 

10 

141 

4 

80 

264 

Total  Second  Brigade 

4 

80 

32 

430 

8 

298 

852 

Third  Brigade, 

Stannard,*  Randall — 

Staff 

2 

2 

12th  Vermont 

2 

2 

13th  Vermont  

io 

4 

99 

io 

123 

14th  Vermont  

i 

18 

1 

66 

21 

107 

15th  Vermont  

16th  Vermont  

i6 

5 

97 

i 

119 

Total  Third  Brigade 

l 

44 

12 

262 

32 

351 

Total  Third  Division 

13 

207 

84 

1,201 

14 

581 

2,100 

Artillery  Brigade,  Wainwright — - 
2nd  Maine  Light  Battery  B . . . . 

18 

18 

5th  Maine  Light  Battery  E.  . . . 

3 

2 

11 

7 

23 

1st  New  York  Light  Battery  L 

1 

1 

14 

1 

17 

1st  N.  Y.  H’y  Artillery  attached 

1st  Penna.  Light  Battery  B... 

2 

i 

8 

ii 

4th  U.  S.  Battery  B 

2 

2 

29 

3 

36 

Total  Artillery  Brigade.  . 

8 

6 

80 

11 

105 

Total  First  Army  Corps.  . 

42 

551 

257 

2,952 

82 

2,140 

6,024 

‘Wounded. 

•{Transferred  on  afternoon  of  July  1st,  from  2nd  to  1st  Brigade;  other  losses  reported  In 
latter  brigade. 


148 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


KILLED 

WOUNDED 

CAPTURED  OR 
MISSING 

to 

Fh 

X} 

Q) 

to 

Fh 

<D 

to 

F-. 

X) 

<v 

<v 

e3 

bfl 

to 

0 

~ a 

a ® 

0 

s a 

O 

0 

flg 

bO 

to 

<1 

o 

O 

aS 

O 

Hg 

SECOND  ARMY  CORPS— Hancock,*  Gibbon,*  Hays, 


General  Headquarters — Staff.  . . 

3 

3 

6th  N.  Y.  Cavalry,  Co.  D,  K.  . 

i 

3 

4 

First  Division — Caldwell. 

First  Brigade,  Cross, j McKeen — 
Staff 

1 

1 

5th  New  Hampshire 

i 

26 

4 

49 

80 

61st  New  York  

6 

6 

50 

8 

62 

81st  Pennsylvania  

5 

5 

44 

8 

62 

148th  Pennsylvania 

i 

18 

6 

95 

5 

125 

Total  First  Brigade 

2 

55 

22 

238 

13 

330 

Second  Brigade,  Kelley — 

Staff 

28th  Massachusetts  

‘ "8 

’ i 

' 56 

’ 35 

ioo 

63rd  N.  Y.  (2  companies)  .... 

5 

l 

9 

i 

7 

23 

69th  N.  Y.  (2  companies).... 

5 

l 

13 

6 

25 

88th  N.  Y.  (2  companies).... 

i 

6 

l 

16 

4 

28 

116th  Penna.  (4  companies)  . . 

2 

11 

i 

8 

22 

Total  Second  Brigade  .... 

l 

26 

4 

105 

2 

60 

198 

Third  Brigade,  Zook,f  Fraser — 
Staff  

l 

1 

52nd  New  York  

l 

i 

3 

23 

io 

38 

57th  New  York 

4 

2 

26 

2 

34 

66th  New  York 

2 

3 

5 

24 

i 

9 

44 

140th  Pennsylvania 

3 

34 

8 

136 

3 

57 

241 

Total  Third  Brigade  .... 

7 

42 

18 

209 

4 

78 

358 

Fourth  Brigade,  Brooks t — 

Staff  

27th  Conn.  (2  companies) 

' ' ' 2 

’ ”8 

' 'i 

' 1.9 

’ "4 

' 37 

2nd  Delaware  

2 

9 

7 

54 

12 

84 

64th  New  York 

4 

11 

7 

57 

19 

98 

53rd  Pennsylvania  

7 

11 

56 

6 

80 

145th  Penna.  (7  companies).. 

i 

9 

8 

58 

8 

84 

Total  Fourth  Brigade  .... 

9 

44 

37 

244 

49 

383 

Total  First  Division 

19 

167 

81 

796 

6 

200 

1,269 

Second  Division — Gibbon 

* Harrow. 

Staff  

First  Brigade,  Harrow,  Heath — 

3 

3 

Staff 

1 

1 

19th  Maine  

1 

28 

11 

155 

4 

199 

15th  Massachusetts  

3 

20 

8 

89 

28 

148 

1st  Minnesota!  

3 

47 

14 

159 

1 

224 

82nd  N.  Y.  (2nd  Militia) 

3 

42 

12 

120 

i 

14 

192 

Total  First  Brigade 

10 

137 

46 

523 

1 

47 

764 

Second  Brigade,  Webb* — 

Staff 

69th  Pennsylvania 

' ' '4 

’ 36 

' '8 

' '72 

"2 

” '7 

1.29 

71st  Pennsylvania  

2 

19 

3 

55 

3 

16 

98 

72nd  Pennsylvania  

2 

42 

7 

138 

2 

191 

106th  Pennsylvania 

1 

8 

9 

45 

1 

64 

Total  Second  Brigade.  . . . 

9 

105 

27 

310 

5 

26 

482 

Third  Brigade,  Hall — 

Staff  

19th  Massachusetts  

2 

7 

9 

52 

7 

77 

20th  Massachusetts  

2 

28 

8 

86 

3 

127 

7th  Michigan  

2 

19 

3 

41 

65 

42nd  New  York  

15 

6 

49 

4 

74 

59th  N.  Y.  (4  companies).... 

6 

3 

25 

34 

Total  Third  Brigade 

6 

75 

29 

253 

14 

377 

1st  unat.  Mass,  sharpshooters.. 

2 

6 

8 

Total  Second  Division .... 

25 

319 

105 

1,092 

6 

87 

1,634 

♦Wounded.  fKilled.  JSecond 

company 

Minnesota 

Sharpshooters  attached. 

BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


149 


KILLED 

WOUNDED 

CAPTURED  OR 
MISSING 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers  . j 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Men 

Aggregate 

First  Brigade,  Carroll — 

Staff 

Third 

Division- 

— Hays. 

14th  Indiana  

6 

3 

22 

31 

4th  Ohio  

2 

7 

1 

16 

5 

31 

8th  Ohio  

1 

17 

10 

73 

1 

102 

7th  West  Virginia  

5 

1 

40 

1 

47 

Total  First  Brigade 

3 

35 

15 

151 

7 

211 

Second  Brigade,  Smyth,*  Pierce — 
Staff  

14th  Connecticut  

io 

io 

42 

4 

66 

1st  Delaware  

i 

9 

10 

44 

i 

12 

77 

12th  New  Jersey  

2 

21 

4 

79 

9 

115 

10th  New  York  (Battalion)  . . 

2 

4 

6 

108th  New  York  

3 

13 

io 

76 

102 

Total  Second  Brigade.  . . . 

6 

55 

34 

245 

i 

25 

366 

Third  Brigade,  Willard, f 

Sherill,*  Bull — 

Staff  

39th  N.  Y.  (4  companies)  .... 

i 

ii 

3 

77 

95 

111th  New  York  

3 

55 

8 

169 

ii 

249 

125th  New  York 

2 

24 

6 

98 

9 

139 

126th  New  York  

5 

35 

9 

172 

10 

231 

Total  Third  Brigade 

11 

128 

26 

516 

33 

714 

Total  Third  Division 

20 

218 

75 

912 

i 

65 

1,291 

Artillery  Brigade,  Hazard — 

Staff 

1st  New  York  Light  Bat.  B 

14th  New  York  Bat.  attached! 

1 

9 

1 

15 

26 

1st  Rhode  Island  Light  Bat.  A 

3 

1 

27 

i 

32 

1st  Rhode  Island  Light  Bat.  B 

i 

6 

1 

18 

2 

28 

1st  U.  S.  Battery  I 

1 

1 

23 

25 

4th  New  York  Battery  A 

i 

5 

1 

31 

38 

Total  Artillery  Brigade.  . . . 

3 

24 

5 

114 

3 

149 

Total  Second  Army  Corps 

67 

729 

269 

2,917 

13 

355 

4,350 

THIRD  ARMY  CORPS— Sickles,*  Birney,*  Hancock.* 

2 

First  Division— Birney ,*  Ward. 

First  Brigade,  Graham,*  Tippin 

Staff  3 

3 

57th  Penna.  (8  companies)  .... 

2 

9 

9 

37 

3 

55 

115 

63rd  Pennsylvania  

1 

3 

26 

4 

34 

68th  Pennsylvania  

3 

4 

9 

117 

19 

152 

105th  Pennsylvania 

1 

7 

14 

101 

9 

132 

114th  Pennsylvania  

8 

1 

85 

3 

57 

154 

141st  Pennsylvania  

25 

6 

97 

21 

149 

Total  First  Brigade 

6 

54 

45 

463 

6 

165 

739 

Second  Brigade,  Ward,  Berdan — 
Staff  

1 

1 

20th  Indiana 

2 

30 

9 

ios 

io 

156 

3rd  Maine  

1 

17 

2 

57 

45 

122 

4th  Maine  

2 

9 

3 

56 

4 

70 

144 

86th  New  York 

1 

10 

3 

48 

1 

3 

66 

124th  New  York  

4 

24 

3 

54 

5 

90 

99th  Pennsylvania  

1 

17 

4 

77 

11 

110 

1st  U.  S.  Sharpshooters 

1 

5 

4 

33 

6 

49 

2nd  U.S.  Sharpshooters  (8  com) 

5 

4 

19 

i 

14 

43 

Total  Second  Brigade.... 

12 

117 

33 

449 

6 

164 

781 

'Wounded.  {Killed.  {Transferred  from  Artillery  Reserve,  July  1st. 


150 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


KILLED 

WOUNDED 

CAPTURED  OR 
MISSING 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Men 

Aggregate 

Third  Brigade,  De  Trohriand — 

Staff  

17th  Maine  

i 

17 

7 

105 

3 

133 

3rd  Michigan  

7 

3 

28 

7 

45 

5th  Michigan  

2 

17 

8 

78 

4 

109 

40th  New  York 

1 

22 

4 

116 

7 

150 

110th  Penna.  (6  companies). 

8 

6 

39 

53 

Total  Third  Brigade 

4 

71 

28 

366 

21 

490 

Total  First  Division 

22 

242 

106 

1,278 

12 

350 

2,010 

Second  Division — Humphrey 

Staff  2 12 

7 

11 

First  Brigade,  Carr — 

Staff 

2 

2 

1st  Massachusetts  

1 

15 

8 

75 

21 

120 

11th  Massachusetts  

1 

22 

7 

89 

2 

8 

129 

16th  Massachusetts  

3 

12 

4 

49 

13 

81 

12th  New  Hampshire  

1 

13 

5 

62 

11 

92 

11th  New  Jersey  

3 

14 

9 

115 

12 

153 

26th  Pennsylvania  

1 

29 

10 

166 

7 

213 

84th  Pennsylvania*  

Total  First  Brigade 

10 

105 

45 

556 

2 

72 

790 

Second  Brigade,  Brewster — 

Staff 

2 

2 

70th  New  York  

20 

8 

85 

4 

117 

71st  New  York 

i 

9 

6 

62 

13 

91 

72nd  New  York 

7 

7 

72 

28 

114 

73rd  New  York 

4 

47 

11 

92 

8 

162 

74th  New  York 

12 

6 

68 

3 

89 

120th  New  York 

7 

23 

10 

144 

19 

203 

Total  Second  Brigade 

12 

118 

50 

523 

75 

778 

Third  Brigade,  Burling — 

Staff  

2nd  New  Hampshire 

3 

17 

18 

119 

36 

193 

5th  New  Jersey 

2 

11 

5 

60 

16 

94 

6th  New  Jersey  

1 

3 

29 

8 

41 

7th  New  Jersey 

i 

14 

10 

76 

13 

114 

8th  New  Jersey 

7 

7 

31 

2 

47 

115th  Pennsylvania 

3 

18 

3 

24 

Total  Third  Brigade 

6 

53 

43 

333 

78 

513 

Total  Second  Division 

28 

278 

140 

1,419 

2 

225 

2,092 

Artillery  Brigade, 

Randolph ,t  Clark — 

Staff 

2nd  New  Jersey,  Light  Bat.  B 

i 

16 

3 

20 

1st  New  York,  Light  Bat.  D.  . 

10 

8 

18 

4th  New  York,  Light  Battery.  . 

2 

10 

1 

13 

1st  Rhode  Island  Light  Bat.  E 

3 

2 

24 

1 

30 

4th  U.  S.  Battery  K 

2 

1 

18 

4 

25 

Total  Artillery  Brigade.  . . . 

8 

3 

78 

17 

106 

Total  Third  Army  Corps.. 

50 

528 

251 

2,775 

14 

592 

4,210 

FIFTH  ARMY  CORPS— Sykes. 

General  Headquarters, 

Provost  Guard — 

12th  New  York,  Co.  D,  E 

17th  Penna.  Calvary,  Co.  D,  H 

.... 

.... 

Guarding  corps  trains,  not  engaged  in  battle.  tWounded. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


151 


KILLED 

WOUNDED 

CAPTURED  OR 
MISSING 

Aggregate 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Men 

First  Division — 

-Barnes. 

Staff 

First  Brigade,  Tilton — - 

Staff 

18th  Massachusetts  

1 

23  

3 

27 

22nd  Massachusetts 

3 

3 

24  

1 

31 

1st  Michigan 

i 

4 

6 

27  

4 

42 

118th  Pennsylvania 

1 

2 

3 

16  

3 

25 

Total  First  Brigade 

2 

10 

12 

90  

11 

125 

Second  Brigade,  Sweitzer — 

Staff  

9th  Massachusetts  

i 

6 

7 

32nd  Massachusetts 

i 

12 

7 

55  

5 

80 

4th  Michigan  

1 

24 

9 

55 

1 

75 

165 

62nd  Pennsylvania  

4 

24 

10 

97  

40 

175 

Total  Second  Brigade  .... 

6 

61 

26 

213 

1 

120 

427 

Third  Brigade,  Vincent,*  Rice — 

Staff  

1 

1 

20th  Maine 

29 

6 

85 

5 

125 

16th  Michigan  

3 

20 

2 

32  

3 

60 

44th  New  York 

2 

24 

5 

77  

3 

111 

83rd  Pennsylvania  

1 

9 

3 

42  

55 

Total  Third  Brigade 

6 

82 

17 

236  

11 

352 

Total  First  Division 

14 

153 

55 

529 

1 

142 

904 

Second 

Division 

— Ayres. 

Staff 

First  Brigade,  Day — 

Staff  

1 

1 

3rd  U.  S.  (6  companies) 

6 

4 

62  .... 

i 

73 

4th  U.  S.  (4  companies) 

10 

2 

28  

40 

6th  U.  S.  (5  companies) 

4 

1 

39  

44 

12th  U.  S.  (8  companies) 

i 

7 

4 

67  

i3 

92 

14th  U.  S.  (8  companies) 

18 

2 

108  .... 

4 

132 

Total  First  Brigade 

1 

45 

13 

305  

18 

382 

Second  Brigade,  Burbank — 

Staff 

2nd  U.  S.  (6  companies) 

i 

5 

4 

si  .... 

6 

67 

7th  U.  S.  (4  companies) 

l 

11 

3 

42  

2 

59 

10th  U.  S.  (3  companies) 

l 

15 

5 

27  .... 

3 

51 

11th  U.  S.  (6  companies) 

3 

16 

7 

85  

9 

120 

17th  U.  S.  (7  companies) 

1 

24 

13 

105  

7 

150 

Total  Second  Brigade.  . . . 

7 

71 

32 

310  

27 

447 

Third  Brigade,  Weed,*  Garrard — 

Staff  

1 

.... 

1 

140th  New  York 

1 

25 

5 

84  ... 

is 

133 

146th  New  York 

4 

2 

22  

28 

91st  Pennsylvania  

3 

2 

14  

19 

155th  Pennsylvania 

6 

2 

11  

19 

Total  Third  Brigade 

2 

38 

11 

131  .... 

18 

200 

Total  Second  Division .... 

10 

154 

56 

746  

18 

1,029 

Third  Division — Crawford .f 

Staff 

First  Brigade,  McCandless — 

Staff 

1st  Penna.  Reserves  (9  com.)  . . 

8 

3 

35  

46 

2nd  Pennsylvania  Reserves.  . . . 

3 

2 

31  

i 

37 

6th  Pennsylvania  Reserves.... 

2 

1 

21  . . 

24 

13th  Penna.  Reserves,  1st  Rifles 

2 

5 

8 

31  

2 

48 

Total  First  Brigade 

2 

18 

14 

118  

3 

155 

♦Wounded  (mortally).  j Joined  Corps 

June  28th — Second  Brigade  left  in 

the  Department 

of  Washington. 


152 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


KILLED 

WOUNDED 

CAPTURED  OR 
MISSING 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Men 

Aggregate 

Third  Brigade,  Fisher — 

Staff 

5th.  Pennsylvania  Reserves.... 

2 

2 

9th  Pennsylvania  Reserves.... 

3 

2 

5 

10th  Pennsylvania  Reserves.  . . . 

2 

3 

5 

11th  Pennsylvania  Reserves.  . . . 

1 

2 

3 

35 

41 

12th  Penna.  Reserves  (9  com.) 

1 

1 

2 

Total  Third  Brigade 

1 

5 

3 

46 

55 

Total  Third  Division.... 

3 

23 

17 

164 

3 

210 

Artillery  Brigade,  Martin — 

Staff 

3rd  Mass.  Light  Battery  C 

6 

6 

1st  N.  Y.  Light  Battery  C.... 

1st  Ohio  Light  Battery  L 

2 

2 

5th  U.  S.  Battery  D 

i 

6 

6 

13 

5th  U.  S.  Battery  I 

1 

i 

18 

2 

22 

Total  Artillery  Brigade.  . 

l 

7 ' 

1 

32 

2 

43 

Ambulance  Corps 

1 

1 

Total  Fifth  Army  Corps.  . . 

28 

337 

129 

1,482 

1 

210 

2,187 

SIXTH  ARMY  CORPS— Sedgwick. 

General  Headquarters — 

1st  N.  J.  Cavalry,  Co.  L 

1st  Penna.  Cavalry,  Co.  H.... 

Staff 

First  Division — 

Wright. 

Provost  Guard — 

4th  N.  J.  (3  companies) 

First  Brigade,  Torbert — 

1st  New  Jersey 

2nd  New  Jersey  

6 

6 

3rd  New  Jersey  

2 

2 

4th  N.  J.*  (7  companies) 

15th  New  Jersey 

3 

3 

Total  First  Brigade 

11 

11 

Second  Brigade,  Bartlettf — 

Staff 

121st  New  York 

2 

2 

5th  Maine  

95th  Pennsylvania 

i 

. _ . . 

i 

2 

96th  Pennsylvania  

1 

1 

Total  Second  Brigade 

l 

4 

5 

Third  Brigade,  Russell — 

Staff  

119th  Pennsylvania 

2 

2 

49th  Penna.  (4  companies)  .... 

119th  Pennsylvania 

6th  Maine  

5th  Wisconsin  

Total  Third  Brigade 

S 

2 

2 

Total  First  Division 

l 

17 

18 

•Train  Guards.  fAlso  commanded  3rd  Brigade,  3rd  Division  on  July  3rd. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


153 


KILLED 

WOUNDED 

CAPTURED  OR 
MISSING 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Men 

Aggregate 

Staff  

Second  Division* 

— Howe. 

Second  Brigade,  Grant — 

Staff  

2nd  Vermont 

3rd  Vermont 

4th  Vermont  

i 

1 

5th  Vermont  

6th  Vermont  

Total  Second  Brigade 

1 

1 

Third  Brigade — Neill — 

Staff  

7th  Maine  (6  companies) 

6 

6 

33rd  N.  Y.  (detachment) 

43rd  New  York 

i 

i 

2 

i 

5 

49th  New  York 

2 

2 

77th  New  York 

61st  Pennsylvania  

i 

i 

2 

Total  Third  Brigade 

1 

1 

11 

2 

15 

Total  Second  Division 

1 

1 

12 

2 

16 

Third  Division — Newton, t Wheaton. 

First  Brigade,  Shaler — 

Staff  

65th  New  York 

' ' '4 

' "5 

”9 

67th  New  York 

i 

1 

122nd  New  York  

io 

2 

30 

2 

44 

23rd  Pennsylvania  

i 

1 

12 

14 

82nd  Pennsylvania  

6 

6 

Total  First  Brigade 

l 

14 

3 

53 

3 

74 

Second  Brigade,  Eustis — 

Staff  

7th  Massachusetts  

6 

6 

10th  Massachusetts  

i 

3 

5 

9 

37th  Massachusetts  

2 

l 

25 

19 

47 

2nd  Rhode  Island 

1 

5 

1 

7 

Total  Second  Brigade 

3 

2 

39 

25 

69 

Third  Brigade,  Wheaton,  Nevin — 
Staff  

62nd  New  York  

i 

i 

io 

i2 

93rd  Pennsylvania  

l 

9 

10 

98th  Pennsylvania  

2 

9 

11 

102nd  Pennsylvania!  

139th  Pennsylvania  

i 

3 

ie 

20 

Total  Third  Brigade 

2 

7 

44 

53 

Total  Third  Division 

l 

19 

12 

136 

28 

196 

Artillery  Brigade,  Tompkins — 

Staff  

1st  Mass.  Light  Battery  A 

’ 12 

1st  N.  Y.  Light  Battery 

4 

2 

6 

3rd  N.  Y.  Light  Battery 

1st  Rhode  Island  Light  Bat.  C 

1st  Rhode  Island  Light  Bat.  G 

2nd  United  States  Battery  D.. 

2nd  United  States  Battery  G.  . 

5th  United  States  Battery  F.  . 

Total  Artillery  Brigade.  . 

4 

2 

6 

12 

Total  Sixth  Army  Corps.  . 

2 

25 

14 

171 

30 

242 

*No  1st  brigade  in  division.  fWas  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  1st  Army  Corps  July  2nd. 
IGuarding  wagon  train  at  Westminster,  not  engaged  in  the  battle. 


154 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


KILLED 


WOUNDED 


CAPTURED  OR 
MISSING 


Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Men 

Aggregate 

ELEVENTH  ARMY  CORPS— Howard,  Schurz. 

General  Headquarters — 

Staff 1 

1 

1st  Indiana  Cavalry  Co.  I,  K.. 

3 

3 

8th  New  York  (1  company)  .... 

First  Division — Barlow,*  Ames. 

1 

First  Brigade,  Von  Gilsa — 

Staff 

1 

1 

41st  N.  Y.  (9  companies).... 

1 

14 

8 

50 

2 

75 

54th  New  York  

7 

2 

45 

4 

44 

102 

68th  New  York 

i 

7 

4 

59 

2 

65 

138 

153rd  Pennsylvania 

1 

22 

7 

135 

46 

211 

Total  First  Brigade 

4 

50 

21 

289 

6 

157 

527 

Second  Brigade,  Ames,  Harris — - 

Staff  

17th  Connecticut  

" ' 2 

’ "is 

’ "4 

’ '77 

" 2 

' '94 

i97 

25th  Ohio  

1 

8 

5 

95 

3 

72 

184 

75th  Ohio  

2 

14 

7 

67 

4 

92 

186 

107th  Ohio  

23 

8 

103 

77 

211 

Total  Second  Brigade.... 

5 

63 

24 

342 

9 

335 

778 

Total  First  Division 

9 

113 

46 

631 

15 

492 

1,306 

Second  Division — Von 

Staff 

Steinwehr. 

1 

1 

First  Brigade,  Coster — 

Staff  

134th  New  York 

i 

41 

4 

147 

2 

57 

252 

154th  New  York  

1 

1 

20 

9 

169 

200 

27th  Pennsylvania  

2 

3 

3 

26 

1 

76 

111 

73rd  Pennsylvania  

7 

27 

34 

Total  First  Brigade 

3 

52 

8 

220 

12 

302 

597 

Second  Brigade,  Smith — - 
Staff '. 

33rd  Massachusetts  

7 

38 

45 

136th  New  York 

17 

i 

88 

i 

2 

109 

55th  Ohio  

6 

1 

30 

n 

11 

49 

73rd  Ohio  

21 

3 

117 

4 

145 

Total  Second  Brigade 

51 

5 

273 

2 

17 

348 

Total  Second  Division 

3 

103 

14 

493 

14 

319 

946 

Third  Division — 

Staff 

Schurz, 

Schimmeipfennig. 

First  Brigade, 

Schimmeipfennig,  Von  Amsburg — 
Staff 

82nd  Illinois 

4 

1 

18 

4 

85 

112 

45th  New  York  

11 

1 

34 

14 

164 

224 

157th  New  York 

4 

23 

8 

158 

6 

108 

307 

61st  Ohio 

2 

4 

6 

30 

2 

10 

54 

74th  Pennsylvania  

2 

8 

4 

36 

2 

58 

110 

Total  First  Brigade 

8 

50 

20 

276 

28 

425 

807 

Second  Brigade,  Kryzanowski — 
Staff 

58th  New  York 

i 

i 

2 

13 

3 

20 

119th  New  York 

2 

9 

4 

66 

i 

58 

140 

82nd  Ohio  

4 

13 

14 

71 

2 

77 

181 

75th  Pennsylvania 

3 

16 

5 

84 

3 

111 

26th  Wisconsin 

2 

24 

11 

118 

2 

60 

217 

Total  Second  Brigade 

12 

63 

36 

352 

5 

201 

669 

Total  Third  Division 

20 

113 

56 

628 

33 

626 

1,476 

•Wounded. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


155 


KILLED 


s c 

c ® 

(§s 


WOUNDED 

03 

13 

o> 

o 

CO 

G 

C ® 

o 

hS 

CAPTURED  OR 
MISSING 

CO 

<D 

O 

e 

a> 

O 

s 

Artillery  Brigade,  Osborn — 
Staff 


otaii 

1st  New  York  Light  Battery  I 

' 3 

"2 

8 

13 

New  York  Light  13th  Battery 

8 

3 

11 

1st  Ohio  Light  Battery  I 

13 

13 

1st  Ohio  Light  Battery  K 

2 

i 

10 

2 

15 

4th  United  States  Battery  G.  . . . 

i 

1 

11 

4 

17 

Total  Artillery  Brigade.  . . . 

1 

6 

3 

50 

9 

69 

Total  Eleventh  Army  Corps 

33 

335 

120 

1,802 

62 

1,449 

3,801 

TWELFTH  ARMY  CORPS— Slocum, 

Williams. 

Staff 

General  Headquarters — 

10th  Maine  (Battalion)  4 com.. 

— 

First  Division — Williams,  Ruger. 

Staff 

.... 

First  Brigade — McDougall- — • 

Staff 

5th  Connecticut  

20th  Connecticut  

5 

22 

i 

28 

3rd  Maryland  

i 

1 

6 

8 

123rd  New  York  

3 

1 

9 

i 

14 

145th  New  York 

1 

1 

8 

10 

46th  Pennsylvania 

2 

1 

9 

i 

13 

Total  First  Brigade 

l 

11 

4 

56 

1 

7 

80 

Second  Brigade,  Lockwood * — 

Staff 

1st  Md.  Potomac  Home  Brigade 

3 

20 

3 

77 

i 

104 

1st  Maryland  Eastern  Shore.  . . 

5 

18 

2 

25 

150th  New  York  

7 

23 

15 

45 

Total  Second  Brigade 

3 

32 

3 

118 

18 

174 

Third  Brigade,  Ruger,  Colgrove 

Staff 

27th  Indiana 

23 

8 

78 

i 

iio 

2nd  Massachusetts 

2 

21 

8 

101 

4 

136 

13th  New  Jersey  

1 

3 

17 

21 

107th  New  York  

2 

2 

3rd  Wisconsin  

2 

i 

7 

10 

Total  Third  Brigade 

2 

47 

20 

205 

5 

279 

Total  First  Division 

G 

90 

27 

379 

1 

30 

533 

Second 

Division 

— Geary. 

Staff 

First  Brigade,  Candy — 

Staff  

5th  Ohio  

i 

i 

i 

1.5 

is 

7th  Ohio  

1 

17 

18 

29th  Ohio  

2 

5 

31 

38 

66th  Ohio  

3 

14 

17 

28th  Pennsylvania 

3 

1 

20 

3 

27 

147th  Penna.  (8  companies).. 

i 

4 

15 

20 

Total  First  Brigade 

4 

14 

5 

112 

3 

138 

Second  Brigade,  Cobham,  Kane — 

Staff 

29th  Pennsylvania 

2 

ii 

43 

8 

66 

109th  Pennsylvania 

3 

6 

1 

10 

111th  Pennsylvania 

5 

i 

16 

22 

Total  Second  Brigade  .... 

2 

21 

1 

65 

9 

98 

•Unassigned  during  progress 
brigade. 

of  the 

battle ; 

afterwards 

attached 

to  1st 

division 

as  2nd 

156 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


KILLED 

WOUNDED 

CAPTURED  OR 
MISSING 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

ra 

u 

Q) 

o 

G 

o 

0 

0) 

S 

Aggregate 

Third  Brigade,  Greene — 

Staff 

60th  New  York  

11 

2 

39 

52 

78th  New  York 

6 

1 

20 

i 

2 

30 

102nd  New  York  

2 

2 

1 

16 

8 

29 

137th  New  York 

4 

36 

3 

84 

10 

137 

149th  New  York 

6 

3 

43 

3 

55 

Total  Third  Brigade 

6 

61 

10 

202 

l 

23 

303 

Total  Second  Division 

12 

96 

16 

379 

l 

35 

539 

Artillery  Brigade,  Muhlenberg — 
Staff 

1st  New  York  Light  Battery  M 

Penna.  Light  Battery  E 

3 

3 

4th  U.  S.  Battery  P 

1 

1 

5th  U.  S.  Battery  K 

5 

5 

Total  Artillery  Brigade.  . . . 

9 

9 

Total  Twelfth  Army  Corps 

18 

186 

43 

767 

2 

65 

1,081 

CALVARY 

Staff 

CORPS— 

-Pleasanton. 

Staff 

First  Division — 

Buford. 

First  Brigade,  Gamble- — 

Staff 

8th  Illinois  

1 

i 

4 

1 

7 

12th  Illinois  (4  companies)... 

4 

3 

7 

6 

20 

3rd  Indiana  (6  companies)  .... 

i 

5 

1 

20 

5 

32 

8th  New  York  

2 

1 

21 

16 

40 

Total  First  Brigade 

1 

12 

6 

52 

28 

99 

Second  Brigade,  Devin — 

Staff 

6th  New  York  

i 

8 

9 

9th  New  York  

2 

2 

7 

11 

17th  Pennsylvania  

4 

4 

3rd  West  Virginia  (2  com.)  . . 

4 

4 

Total  Second  Brigade 

2 

3 

23 

28 

Reserve  Brigade,  Merritt — 

Staff 

6th  Pennsylvania  

3 

7 

2 

12 

1st  United  States 

1 

9 

5 

15 

2nd  United  States 

3 

i 

6 

i 

6 

17 

5th  United  States 

4 

1 

5 

6th  United  States 

6 

5 

23 

5 

203 

242 

Total  Reserve  Brigade .... 

13 

6 

49 

6 

217 

291 

Total  First  Division 

1 

27 

12 

104 

6 

268 

418 

Second  Division — McM.  Gregg. 

Staff 

Headquarters  Guards — 

1st  Ohio  (Co.  A) 

First  Brigade,  McIntosh — 

Staff 

1st  Maryland  (11  companies)  . . 

2 

i 

3 

1st  New  Jersey  

7 

7 

1st  Massachusetts*  

1st  Pennsylvania  

2 

2 

3rd  Pennsylvania 

' 5 

io 

6 

21 

Purnell  (Maryland)  Leg.,  Co.  A 

Total  First  Brigade 

5 

19 

9 

33 

♦Served  with  6th  Corps. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


157 


KILLED 

WOUNDED 

CAPTURED  OR 
MISSING 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Enlisted 

Men 

Officers 

Men 

Aggregate 

Second  Brigade,  Huey* — 

Staff 

2nd  New  York 

4th  New  York  

6th  Ohio  (10  companies) 

8th  Pennsylvania  

Total  Second  Brigade.  . . . 

Third  Brigade,  J.  I.  Gregg — 

Staff 

1st  Maine  (10  companies).... 

i 

4 

5 

10th  New  York 

2 

4 

i 

2 

9 

4th  Pennsylvania!  

16th  Pennsylvania  , s , . . 

A 

i 

6 

Total  Third  Brigade 

5 

12 

1 

2 

20 

Total  Second  Division 

5 

5 

31 

1 

11 

53 

Staff 

Third  Division — Kilpatrick. 

Headquarters  Guards — 

1st  Ohio  (Co.  C) 

First  Brigade, 

Farnsworth, X Richmond — 

Staff 

1 

1 

5th  New  York 

1 

i 

4 

6 

18th  Pennsylvania  

2 

4 

8 

14 

1st  Vermont  

13 

3 

22 

27 

65 

1st  West  Virginia  (10  com.)  . . 

2 

2 

3 

1 

i 

3 

12 

Total  First  Brigade 

3 

18 

6 

28 

i 

42 

98 

Second  Brigade,  Custer — 

Staff  

1st  Michigan 

10 

6 

37 

20 

73 

5th  Michigan  

i 

7 

1 

29 

18 

36 

6th  Michigan  

1 

2 

24 

1 

28 

7th  Michigan  (10  companies) 

13 

4 

44 

49 

100 

Total  Second  Brigade.... 

l 

31 

13 

134 

78 

257 

Total  Third  Division 

4 

49 

19 

162 

i 

120 

355 

3rd  Penna.  Heavy  Artillery, 
Section  Battery  H (serving  as 
light  artillery  with  1st  Brig.). 

First  Brigade,  Robertson — 

9th  Michigan  Battery 

Horse  Artillery. 

1 

4 

5 

6th  New  York  Battery 

1 

1 

2nd  U.  S.  Batteries  B,  L 

2nd  U.  S.  Battery  M 

i 

i 

4th  U.  S.  Battery  E 

i 

1 

Total  First  Brigade 

2 

1 

5 

8 

Second  Brigade,  Tidball — 

1st  U.  S.  Battery  K 

2 

1 

3 

2nd  U.  S.  Battery  A 

12 

12 

1st  U.  S.  Batteries  E,  G* . . . . 

3rd  U.  S.  Battery  C* 

Total  Second  Brigade.  . . . 

2 

13 

15 

Total  Cavalry  Corps 

5 

85 

37 

315 

8 

399 

849 

At  Westminster,  not  engaged  in  the  battle.  fOn  detached  duty.  tKilled. 


158 


BLUE  AND  GBAY 


KILLED 

WOUNDED 

CAPTURED  OR 
MISSING 

O 

"5 

w 

u 

<v 

0) 

W 

Pi 

<U 

0) 

■*-> 

to 

OT 

(h 

<D 

a 

<D 

w) 

0) 

e 

& 

S a 

O 

B 

3 

bo 

bo 

O 

o 

o 

< 

Artillery  Reserve — Hunt,*  Tyler,*  Robertson. 

Headquarters  Guards — 


32nd  Mass.  Inf.  Co.  C 1 

First  Regular  Brigade,  Ransom 

1st  U.  S.  Battery  H .... 

3rd  U.  S.  Batteries  F,  K 1 

4th  U.  S.  Battery  C .... 

5th  U.  S.  Battery  C .... 

Total  First  Reg.  Brigade.  1 

First  Vol.  Brigade,  McGilvery — 

5th  Mass.  Light  Battery  E....  .... 

10th  N.  Y.  Battery  attached.  . .... 

9th  Mass.  Light  Battery 1 

15th  N.  Y.  Light  Battery .... 

Penna.  Light  Batteries  C,  F.  . .... 

Total  First  Vol.  Brigade.  . 1 


Second  Vol.  Brigade,  Tafe — 

1st  Conn.  Heavy  Bat.  B,  Mf  ...  . . <- . 

2nd  Conn.  Light  Battery .... 

5th  N.  Y.  Light  Battery .... 

Total  Second  Vol.  Brigade.  . . . . 
Third  Vol.  Brigade,  Huntington 
1st  New  Hampshire  Light  Bat.  . . . . 

1st  Ohio  Light  Battery  H .... 

1st  Penna.  Light  Bat.  F,  G.  . . . . . . . 

West  Virginia  Light  Battery  C 

Total  Third  Vol.  Brigade.  . 

Fourth  Vol.  Brigade,  Fitzhugh — 

6th  Maine  Light  Battery  F.  . . . 

1st  New  Jersey  Light  Battery 

1st  N.  Y.  Light  Battery  G..  .... 

1st  Maryland  Light  Battery  A. 

1st  New  York  Light  Battery  K. 

11th  N.  Y.  Battery  attached.  ...  . . . . 

Total  Fourth  Vol.  Brigade  .... 

Total  Artillery  Reserve.  . 2 

Train  Guards — 

Fourth  N.  J.  Inf.  (7  companies) 


RECAPITULATION. 


General  Headquarters  

First  Army  Corps  

Second  Army  Corps 

Third  Army  Corps 

Fifth  Army  Corps  

Sixth  Army  Corps  

Eleventh  Army  Corps 

Twelfth  Army  Corps 

Cavalry  Corps  

Artillery  Reserve  

Total  Army  of  the  Potomac 


2 

2 

4 

42 

551 

257 

2,952 

82 

2,140 

6,024 

67 

729 

269 

2,917 

13 

355 

4,350 

50 

528 

251 

2,775 

14 

592 

4,210 

28 

337 

129 

1,482 

1 

210 

2,187 

2 

25 

14 

171 

30 

242 

33 

335 

120 

1,802 

’ ‘62 

1,449 

3,801 

18 

186 

43 

767 

2 

65 

1,081 

5 

85 

37 

315 

8 

399 

849 

2 

40 

15 

172 

13 

242 

247 

2,816 

1,137 

13,335 

182 

5,253 

22,990 

♦Wounded.  fNot  engaged  in  battle. 


LOSSES  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA. 


This  report  is  as  perfect  as  it  is  possible  to  make  it  from  all  obtainable  data.  The 
disagreement  in  totals  cannot  be  corrected,  and  the  figures  do  not  cover  the  real  losses  of  the 
Confederate  commands.  The  records  of  prisoners  of  war  on  file  in  Washington  bear  the 
names  of  12,227  Confederate  prisoners  captured  at  and  around  Gettysburg  from  July  1st  to  5th, 
inclusive. 


FIRST  ARMY  CORPS— Longstreet. 


First  McLaw’s  Division. 


Captured 


First  Brigade,  Kershaw — 

2nd  South  Carolina  

3rd  South  Carolina 

7th  South  Carolina  

15th  South  Carolina  

Sth  South  Carolina  

3rd  South  Carolina  Battalion 

Total  First  Brigade 

Second  Brigade,  Semmes ,*  Bryan — 

Staff  

10th  Georgia  

50th  Georgia  

51st  Georgia  

53rd  Georgia  

Total  Second  Brigade  

Third  Brigade,  Barksdale*  Humphreys — 

Staff  

13th  Mississippi  

17th  Mississippi  

18th  Mississippi  

21st  Mississippi  

Total  Third  Brigade 

Fourth  Brigade,  Wofford — 

16th  Georgia  

18th  GeoTgia  

24th  Georgia  

Cobh’s  Legion  

Phillip’s  Legion  

Total  Fourth  Brigade 

Artillery  Battalion,  Cabell — - 

Carlton’s  Georgia  Battery 

Fraser’s  Georgia  Battery 

McCarthy’s  Howitzers  

Manly’s  North  Carolina  Battery 

Total  Artillery  Battalion 

Total  First  Division 

Second,  Pickett 

First  Brigade,  Garnett,*  Peyton — 

Staff  

8th  Virginia  

18th  Virginia  

19th  Virginia  

28th  Virginia  

56th  Virginia  

Total  First  Brigade 

Second  Brigade,  Armistead/\  Aylett — 

Staff  

9th  Virginia  

14th  Virginia  

38th  'Virginia  

53fid  Virginia  

57th  Virginia  

Total  Second  Brigade 


Killed 

Wounded 

or  Missing 

Aggregate 

27 

125 

2 

154 

IS 

63 

2 

83 

18 

85 

7- 

110 

21 

98 

18 

137 

21 

79 

100 

10 

33 

3 

46 

115 

483 

32 

630 

1 

1 

9 

77 

86 

10 

68 

78 

8 

47 

55 

15 

72 

87 

55 

284  ' 

91 

430 

1 

1 

28 

1.37 

165 

40 

160 

200 

18 

82 

100 

16 

87 

103 

105 

530 

92 

747 

9 

52 

61 

3 

16 

19 

4 

32 

36 

2 

20 

22 

4 

24 

28 

30 

192 

112 

334 

1 

6 

7 

4 

14 

18 

2 

3 

5 

1 

6 

7 

8 

29 

37 

313 

1,538 

327 

2,178 

Division. 

1 

1 

6 

48 

54 

10 

77 

87 

10 

34 

44 

19 

58 

77 

22 

40 

62 

78 

324 

539 

941 

1 

1 

71 

71 

17 

91 

108 

23 

147 

170 

17 

87 

104 

26 

95 

121 

88 

460 

643 

1,191 

•Killed.  fMortally  wounded. 


159 


160 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


Third  Brigade,  Kemper  * Col.  Jos.  Mayo,  Jr.- 

Staff  

1st  Virginia  

3rd  Virginia  

7th  Virginia  

11th  Virginia  

24th  Virginia  

Total  Third  Brigade 

Artillery  Battalion,  Dearing — 

Blount’s  Virginia  Battery  

Caskie’s  Virginia  Battery  

Stribling’i  Virginia  Battery 

Macon’s  Battery  

No  details  obtained. 

Total  Artillery  Battalion 

Total  Second  Division 


First  Brigade,  Laws,  Sheffield — 

4th  Alabama  

15th  Alabama  

44th  Alabama  

47th  Alabama  

48th  Alabama  

Total  First  Brigade  

Second  Brigade,  Anderson ,* 

Staff  

7th  Georgia  

8th  Georgia  

9th  Georgia  

11th  Georgia  

59th  Georgia  

Total  Second  Brigade 
Third  Brigade,  Robertson — 

3rd  Arkansas  

1st  Texas  

4th  Texas  

5th  Texas  

Total  Third  Brigade  . . 
Fourth  Brigade,  Benning — 

2nd  Georgia  

15th  Georgia  ■ 

17th  Georgia 

20th  Georgia  


Cilled 

Wounded 

Captured 
or  Missing 

Aggre 

1 

3 

4 

2 

62 

64 

16 

51 

67 

15 

79 

94 

12 

97 

109 

17 

111 

128 

58 

356 

317 

731 

White,  Luffman- 


Total  Fourth  Brigade  

Artillery  Battalion,  Henry — 
Bachman’s  South  Carolina  Battery 
Garden’s  South  Carolina  Battery  . . 
Latham’s  North  Carolina  Battery.  . . 
Reilly’s  North  Carolina  Battery.  . . . 
No  details  obtained. 

Total  Artillery  Battalion 

Total  Third  Division  


17 


25 


232 

1,157 

1,499 

2,888 

i,  E.  M. 

Laws. 

17 

49 

87 

17 

66 

83 

24 

64 

94 

10 

30 

40 

8 

67 

102 

74 

276 

14G 

406 

1 

1 

15 

15 

" 25 

114 

139 

28 

115 

143 

32 

162 

204 

18 

92 

116 

105 

512 

54 

618 

26 

116 

142 

24 

54 

93 

14 

73 

87 

23 

86 

109 

84 

329 

120 

597 

25 

66 

91 

8 

64 

171 

15 

75 

90 

21 

83 

121 

76 

299 

122 

497 

343 


442 


27 

2,289 


Reserve  Artillery,  Walton.f 

First  Battalion,  Alexander — 

Jordan’s  Virginia  Battery  ....  ....  ........ 

Moody’s  Louisiana  Battery  ....  ....  ....  .... 

Parker’s  Virginia  Battery  ....  ....  ....  .... 

Rhett’s  South  Carolina  Battery ....  ....  ....  . . . . 

Taylor’s  Virginia  Battery ....  ....  ....  .... 

Woolf  oik’s  Virginia  Battery ...  . . . ....  ....  . . . . 

No  details  obtained. 

Total  First  Battalion !...  19  114  6 139 


•Wounded.  tChief  of  Reserve  Artillery. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG  161 


Second  Battalion,  Eshelman, 
Washington  (La.)  Artillery — - 

1st  Company  

2nd  Company  

3rd  Company  

4th  Company  

Total  Second  Battalion.. 
Total  Reserve  Artillery  . 
Total  First  Army  Corps.. 


Staff  

First  Brigade — Hays — 

5th  Louisiana  

6th  Louisiana  

7th  Louisiana  

Sth  Louisiana  

9th  Louisiana  

Total  First  Brigade 

Second  Brigade,  Hoke,*  Avery, f Godicin- 

6th  North  Carolina 

21st  North  Carolina  

57th  North  Carolina 

Total  Second  Brigade 

Third  Brigade,  Smith — 

31st  Virginia  

49th  Virginia  

52nd  Virginia  

Total  Third  Brigade 

Fourth  Brigade,  Gordon — 

13th  Georgia  

26th  Georgia  

31st  Georgia  

38th  Georgia  

60th  Georgia  

61st  Georgia  

Total  Fourth  Brigade  

Artillery  Batalion,  Jones — 

Carrington’s  Virginia  Battery  

Garber’s  Virginia  Battery  

Green’s  Louisiana  Battery  

Tanner’s  Virginia  Battery  

Total  Artillery  Battalion 

Total  First  Division  


Staff 

First  Brigade,  Stewart — 
1st  Maryland  Battalion  . . 

1st  North  Carolina  

3rd  North  Carolina  

10th  Virginia  

23rd  Virginia  

37th  Virginia  

Total  First  Brigade  . . 
Second  Brigade,  Nicholls — 

1st  Louisiana  

2nd  Louisana  

10th  Louisana  

14th  Louisiana  

15th  Louisiana  .. 

Total  Second  Brigade 


Killed  Wounded 


Captured 

or  Missing  Aggregate 


3 

23 

16 

42 

22 

137 

22 

181 

910  4,346 

EPS— Ewell. 

2,290 

7,536 

division. 

— 

1 

1 

5 

31 

13 

49 

5 

34 

21 

60 

8 

43 

6 

57 

8 

54 

13 

75 

10 

39 

23 

72 

36 

201 

76 

313 

20 

131 

21 

172 

9 

65 

37 

111 

6 

20 

36 

62 

35 

216 

94 

345 

20 

7 

27 

"ii 

78 

10 

100 

15 

15 

12 

113 

17 

142 

20 

83 

103 

2- 

4 

’ 5 

11 

9 

34 

43 

12 

51 

"29 

92 

4 

29 

5 

38 

24 

69 

93 

71 

270 

30 

380 

”i 

i 

’ " 2 

5 

7 

2 

2 

4 

6 

10 

156 

806 

226 

1,188 

Division. 

1 

1 

2 

25 

119 

144 

4 

48 

52 

29 

127 

156 

4 

17 

21 

4 

14 

18 

10 

44 

54 

83 

409 

190 

682 

9 

30 

39 

10 

52 

62 

14 

77 

91 

9 

56 

65 

2 

36 

38 

43 

309 

36 

388 

Wounded  at  Fredericksburg,  Va.,  Dec.,  1862.  fKilled. 


162 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


Third  Brigade,  Walker — 

2nd  Virginia 

4th  Virginia  

5th  Virginia  

27th  Virginia  

33rd  Virginia  

Total  Third  Brigade  

Fourth  Brigade,  Jones,*  Dungan — 

Staff  

21st  Virginia  

25th  Virginia  

42nd  Virginia  

44th  Virginia  

48th  Virginia  

50th  Virginia  

Total  Fourth  Brigade  

Artillery  Battalion,  Latimer ,t  Anderson,*  Raine — 

Staff  

Brown’s  Maryland  Battery  

Carpenter’s  Virginia  Battery 

Dement’ s 1st  Maryland  Battery  

Rome’s  Virginia  Battery  

Total  Artillery  Battalion  

Total  Second  Division  

Third,  Rodes’ 

First  Brigade,  Daniel — 

32nd  North  Carolina  

43rd  North  Carolina  

45th  North  Carolina  

53rd  North  Carolina  

2nd  Battalion  

Total  First  Brigade  

Second  Brigade,  Iverson — 

5th  North  Carolina  

12th  North  Carolina  

20th  North  Carolina  

23rd  North  Carolina  

Total  Second  Brigade  

Third  Brigade,  Dole — 

4th  Georgia  

12th  Georgia  

21st  Georgia  

44th  Georgia 

Total  Third  Brigade  

Fourth  Brigade,  Ramseur — 

2nd  North  Carolina  

4th  North  Carolina  

14th  North  Carolina  

30th  North  Carolina  

Total  Fourth  Brigade  

Fifth  Brigade,  O’Neal — 

3rd  Alabama 

5th  Alabama  

6th  Alabama 

12th  Alabama 

26th  Alabama 

Total  Fifth  Brigade  

Artillery  Battalion,  Carter — 

Carter’s  Virginia  Battery  

Fry’s  Virginia  Battery  

Page’s  Virginia  Battery  

Reese’s  Alabama  Battery  

Total  Artillery  Battalion  

Total  Third  Rodes’  Division  


Killed 

Wounded 

Captured 
or  Missing 

Aggregate 

1 

13 

14 

8 

78 

86 

5 

46 

51 

7 

34 

41 

11 

37 

48 

35 

208 

87 

330 

2 

2 

”2 

29 

50 

3 

37 

70 

8 

48 

56 

3 

14 

56 

15 

43 

76 

13 

47 

99 

58 

302 

61 

421 

1 

1 

■ ' ‘4 

12 

16 

5 

19 

24 

1 

4 

5 

4 

*Jt 

10 

40 

50 

229 

1,269 

375 

1,873 

Division. 

26 

116 

142 

21 

126 

147 

46 

173 

219 

13 

104 

117 

29 

124 

153 

165 

635 

116 

916 

31 

112 

143 

10 

46 

56 

29 

93 

122 

41 

93 

134 

130 

328 

308 

826 

9 

29 

7 

45 

4 

35 

10 

49 

1 

11 

5 

17 

10 

49 

9 

68 

24 

124 

31 

179 

4 

27 

1 

32 

8 

24 

24 

56 

5 

37 

2 

44 

6 

34 

5 

45 

23 

124 

32 

177 

12 

79 

91 

21 

109 

209 

18 

113 

131 

13 

65 

83 

5 

41 

130 

73 

430 

193 

696 

6 

35 

24 

65 



— 

— 

— 

421 

1,728 

794 

2,853 

*Woui)ded,  fKilled, 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG  163 


First  Battalion,  Dance — 
Dance’s  Virginia  Battery  . . 
Hupp’s  Virginia  Battery  . . . 
Graham’s  Virginia  Battery 

Smith’s  Battery  

Watson’s  Battery  

No  details  obtained. 


Killed  Wounded 
Reserve  Artillery — J.  T.  Brown. 


Captured 

or  Missing  Aggregate 


Total  First  Battalion  

Second  Battalion,  Nelson — 
Kirkpatrick’s  Virginia  Battery. 

Massie’s  Virginia  Battery  

Milledge’s  Georgia  Battery 

No  details  obtained. 


19 


Total  Second  Battalion... 
Total  Reserve  Artillery  . . 
Total  Second  Army  Corps 


First  Brigade,  Wilcox — 

8th  Alabama  

9th  Alabama  

10th  Alabama  

11th  Alabama  

14th  Alabama  


Total  First  Brigade  . 
Second  Brigade,  Mahone- 

6th  Virginia  

12th  Virginia  

16th  Virginia  

41st  Virginia  

61st  Virginia  


Total  Second  Brigade  

Third  Brigade,  Wright,*  Gibson — 

3rd  Georgia  

22nd  Georgia  

48th  Georgia  

2nd  Georgia  Battalion  


Total  Third  Brigade  

Fourth  Brigade,  Perry,*  Lang — 

2nd  Florida  

5th  Florida  

8th  Florida  


Total  Fourth  Brigade 
Fifth  Brigade,  Posey — 

12th  Mississippi  

16th  Mississippi  

19th  Mississippi  

48th  Mississippi  


Total  Fifth  Brigade 
Artillery  ( Sumter ) Battalion — 

Company  A 

Company  B 

Company  C .' 


Total  Artillery  Battalion 
Total  First  Division  . . . 


Staff 

First  Brigade,  Pettigrew, t Marshall* — 

11th  North  Carolina  

26th  North  Carolina  


22 


3 

19 

22 

809 

3,823 

1,305 

5,937 

—Hills  Corps. 

nderson. 

22 

139 

161 

3 

55 

58 

13 

91 

104 

6 

69 

75 

7 

41 

48 

51 

469 

257 

777 

3 

3 

’ 2 

12 

14 

2 

7 

9 

1 

11 

12 

2 

10 

12 

7 

55 

39 

102 

100 

100 

'ii 

75 

96 

16 

74 

90 

o 

46 

49 

40 

295 

333 

668 

11 

70 

81 

12 

63 

75 

10 

84 

94 

33 

217 

205 

455 

7 

7 

’ ’2 

17 

19 

4 

23 

27 

6 

24 

30 

12 

71 

83 

1 

7 

8 

2 

5 

7 

9 

9 

3 

21 

6 

30 

147 

1,128 

840 

2,115 

* Pettigrew,  f 

1 

1 

50 

159 

209 

86 

502 

588 

‘Wounded.  fKilled  at  Falling  Waters,  Md.,  July  14th,  1863. 


164 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


47th  North  Carolina  

52nd  North  Carolina  

Total  First  Brigade 

Second  Brigade,  Brockenbrough* — 

40th  Virginia  

47th  Virginia  

55th  Virginia  

22nd  Virginia  

Total  Second  Brigade 

Third  Brigade,  Archer, t Fry,*  Shepard — 

13th  Alabama  

5th  Alabama  Battalion  

1st  Tennesse  P.  A 

7th  Tennessee  

14th  Tennesse  

Total  Third  Brigade  

Fourth  Brigade,  Davis — 

2nd  Mississippi 

11th  Mississippi  

42nd  Mississippi  

55th  North  Carolina  

Total  Fourth  Brigade  


Killed 

Wounded 

Captured 
or  Missing 

Aggregate 

21 

140 

161 

33 

114 

147 

190 

915 

1,105 

4 

38 

42 

10 

38 

48 

8 

26 

34 

3 

21 

24 

25 

123 

148 

6 

36 

42 

26 

26 

”2 

40 

42 

5 

18 

23 

3 

24 

27 

16 

144 

517 

677 

49 

183 

232 

32 

170 

202 

60 

205 

265 

39 

159 

198 

ISO 

717 

897 

Artillery  Battalion,  Garnett — 
Grandy’s  Virginia  Battery  . 
Lewis ’ Virginia  Battery  .... 
Moore’s  Virginia  Battery  . . . 
Mauvin’s  Louisiana  Battery  . . 
No  details  obtained. 

Total  Artillery  Battalion  . 
Total  Second  Division  . . . 


Staff  

First  Brigade,  Perrin — 

1st  South  Carolina  

1st  South  Carolina  Rifles  

12th  South  Carolina  

13th  South  Carolina  

14th  South  Carolina  

Total  First  Brigade 

Second  Brigade,  Lane,  Avery* — 

7th  North  Carolina  

18th  North  Carolina  

28th  North  Carolina  

33rd  North  Carolina  

37th  North  Carolina  

Total  Second  Brigade  

Third  Brigade,  Thomas — 

14th  Georgia  

35th  Georgia  

45th  Georgia  

49th  Georgia  

Total  Third  Brigade  

Fourth  Brigade,  Scales,*  Gordon,  Lawrance- 

Staff 

13th  North  Carolina  

16th  North  Carolina  

22nd  North  Carolina 

34th  North  Carolina  

38th  North  Carolina  


Total  Fourth  Brigade 


5 

17 

22 

411 

1,905 

534 

2,850 

Lane, 

Trimble.* 

1 

4 

5 

20 

75 

95 

2 

9 

11 

20 

112 

132 

31 

99 

130 

27 

182 

209 

100 

477 

577 

5 

84 

89 

4 

41 

45 

12 

92 

104 

10 

53 

63 

10 

78 

88 

41 

348 

389 

5 

27 

32 

6 

42 

48 

35 

35 

"'5 

32 

37 

16 

136 

152 

1 

1 

' '29 

97 

126 

16 

50 

66 

20 

69 

89 

16 

48 

64 

21 

58 

79 

102 

323 

110 

535 

•Wounded.  fCaptured  July  1st,  1863.  tKilled. 


BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 


165 


Killed  Wounded 

Artillery  Battalion,  Poague — 

Brook's  Virginia  Battery  ....  .... 

Wyatt’s  Virginia  Battery  ....  .... 

Graham’s  North  Carolina  Battery ....  .... 

Ward’s  Mississippi  Battery  ....  .... 

No  details  obtained. 

Total  Artillery  Battalion  2 24 

Total  Third  Division  262  1,312 

Artillery  Reserve — Walker. 

First  Battalion,  McIntosh — 

Hunt’s  Alabama  Battery  ....  .... 

Lusk’s  Virginia  Battery  ....  .... 

Johnson’s  Virginia  Battery ....  .... 

Rice’s  Virginia  Battery ....  .... 

No  details  obtained. 

Total  First  Battalion  7 25 

Second  Battalion,  Pegram,  Brunson — 

Brander’s  Virginia  Battery  ....  .... 

Brunson’s  Virginia  Battery  . . . . .... 

Crenshaw’s  Virginia  Battery  ....  .... 

McGrow’s  Virginia  Battery  ....  .... 

Marye’s  Virginia  Battery  ....  .... 


No  details  obtained. 

Total  Second  Battalion 10  37 

Total  Reserve  Artillery  17  62 

Total  Third  Pender’s  Army  Corps 836  4,407 

CAVALRY. 

Stuart’s  Division. 

First  Brigade,  Hampton,*  Baker — 

Staff  1 

1st  North  Carolina  2 17 

1st  South  Carolina  1 9 

2nd  South  Carolina  1 6 

Cobb’s  Georgia  Legion  8 6 

Jeff  Davis’  Legion  4 10 

Phillips’  Georgia  Legion  1 9 

1st  Maryland  Battalion!  • • • • • • ■ • 

Total  First  Brigade  17  58 

Second  Brigade,  Fitzhugh  Lee,*  Marshall — 

1st  Virginia  4 8 

2nd  Virginia  1 3 

3rd  Virginia  ....  5 

4th  Virginia  ....  .... 

5th  Virginia  ....  .... 

Total  Second  Brigade  5 16 

Third  Brigade,  Chambliss — 

2nd  North  Carolina  ....  .... 

9th  Virginia  ....  6 

10th  Virginia  1 9 

13th  Virginia  1 11 

Total  Third  Brigade 2 26 

Fourth  Brigade,  Jones — 

6th  Virginia 4 19 

7th  Virginia  8 21 

11th  Virginia  ....  .... 

Total  Fourth  Brigade  12  40 


Fifth  Brigade,  Jenkin,*  Ferguson — 

14th  Virginia  

16th  Virginia  

17th  Virginia  

34th  Virginia  Battalion  

35th  Virginia  Battalion  

No  details  obtained. 


Captured 
or  Missing 


6 

116 


1 

1 

1,491 


4 

4 

’ "7 

1 


16 


10 

1 

1 

17 


29 


6 

2 

5 

13 


5 

1 


6 


Aggregate 


32 

1,690 


32 


48 

80 

6,735 


1 

23 

14 
7 

21 

15 
10 


91 


22 

5 

6 
17 


50 


12 

12 

17 

41 


28 

30 


58 


♦Wounded.  fServing  -with  Second  Ewell’s  Corps. 


166 


BLUE  AND  GRAY 


Sixth  Brigade,  Imboden — 

18th  Virginia  

43rd  Virginia  Mosby’s  Battalion 

Partisan’s  Virginia  Battalion  

62nd  Virginia  Infantry  Mounted 

McClanahan’s  Virginia  Battery 

Killed 

Wounded 

Captured 
or  Missing 

Aggregate 

Seventh  Brigade,  Robertson — - 

4th,  North  Carolina  

5th,  North  Carolina  

No  details  obtained. 

Stuart’s  Horse  Artillery,  Beckham — 

Breathed’s  Maryland  Battery 

Griffin’s  2nd  Maryland  Battery 

Moorman’s  Virginia  Battery 

McGregor’s  Virginia  Battery  

Chew’s  Virginia  Battery  

Hart’s  South  Carolina  Battery  

No  details  obtained. 

Total  Stuart’s  Cavalry  Division 

36 

140 

64 

240 

Grand  total  as  far  as  obtained 

2,592 

12,706 

5,150 

20,448 

[This  table  has  been  corrected  by  Col.  C.  T.  Loehr,  of  Richmond,  Va.,  Secretary  of 
Pickett’s  Division  Association,  by  authority  of  Gen.  A.  L.  Long,  General  Lee’s  Secretary.] 


\ 


